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good governance practices for the protection of human rights

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ticipants discussed an abstract framework regarding <strong>the</strong> causes and manifestation<br />

<strong>of</strong> corruption. These two steps were designed to encourage <strong>the</strong> participants to<br />

analyse <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> corruption dispassionately. Finally, participants engaged<br />

in self-diagnosis and self-prescription. The workshops drew on <strong>the</strong> knowledge<br />

and expertise <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> employees to identify systemic problems. Employees <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

shared in<strong>for</strong>mation about corrupt <strong>practices</strong> even in cases where <strong>the</strong>ir intimate<br />

knowledge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> facts was incriminating.<br />

An ef<strong>for</strong>t was also made to rely on public input to determine <strong>the</strong> extent <strong>of</strong><br />

corruption. For example, polls were conducted to identify citizens’ priorities<br />

<strong>for</strong> public works. The polls found significant differences between <strong>the</strong> public’s<br />

priorities and <strong>the</strong> recommendations <strong>of</strong> municipal staff. Often, <strong>the</strong> staff suggested<br />

public works in sparsely populated areas, which would facilitate <strong>the</strong> construction<br />

<strong>of</strong> new buildings ra<strong>the</strong>r than provide services to existing neighbourhoods. Thus,<br />

it became evident that municipal personnel had <strong>the</strong>ir own agenda motivated by<br />

<strong>the</strong> interests <strong>of</strong> private construction and development companies. Similar polls<br />

were conducted on a number <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r municipal policies.<br />

Following <strong>the</strong> above diagnostic work and public input, <strong>the</strong> municipality also<br />

sought to secure international funding to be able to raise <strong>the</strong> salaries <strong>of</strong><br />

employees and to invest in development projects.<br />

Implementation<br />

The anti-corruption ef<strong>for</strong>ts <strong>of</strong> La Paz’s municipal leadership included several<br />

areas <strong>of</strong> municipal government. First, <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> issuing construction permits<br />

and licences was deregulated. Also, <strong>the</strong> system through which citizens applied<br />

<strong>for</strong> permits was re<strong>for</strong>med. A single registry was set up <strong>for</strong> all applications <strong>for</strong> permits<br />

and licences. It was staffed by employees who were not involved in granting<br />

permits and licences. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, to increase transparency, a manual was printed<br />

and widely distributed to in<strong>for</strong>m <strong>the</strong> public about how much building permits<br />

cost, how to request services, which agency was responsible <strong>for</strong> what service and<br />

how long it would take to deliver <strong>the</strong> service.<br />

Second, an ef<strong>for</strong>t was made to reduce corruption in <strong>the</strong> municipality’s <strong>of</strong>fice <strong>of</strong> public<br />

works, which employed 4,000 workers and from which machinery, spare parts<br />

and petrol were routinely stolen. The responsibility <strong>of</strong> this <strong>of</strong>fice was changed to<br />

carrying out emergency repairs, but not major construction projects. Major public<br />

works were contracted out under an incentive-based process that linked payments<br />

to targets and <strong>the</strong> satisfactory completion <strong>of</strong> projects. The <strong>of</strong>fice <strong>of</strong> public works<br />

was re<strong>for</strong>med into a regulator which operated under this incentive-based process.<br />

Third, a number <strong>of</strong> anti-corruption initiatives helped to simplify <strong>the</strong> tax code,<br />

cutting <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> taxes from 126 to 7, to restrict opportunities <strong>for</strong> collusion<br />

between tax collectors and property owners, to hire young Bolivians in municipal<br />

service and to raise salaries through international assistance. Also, throughout<br />

this ef<strong>for</strong>t, <strong>the</strong> municipal leadership reported to <strong>the</strong> public on progress made<br />

in reducing corruption.<br />

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