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PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES - United Kingdom Parliament

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63 Debate on the Address<br />

9 MAY 2012<br />

Debate on the Address<br />

64<br />

[Mr Llwyd]<br />

I shall move on swiftly to the notion of televising<br />

court proceedings, which has not yet been mentioned.<br />

As a lawyer, I am not in favour of televising advocates,<br />

because there could be a danger of their playing to the<br />

gallery. I am not saying that many would do so, but<br />

some might. I understand, however, that the proposals<br />

will follow the Scottish model, which would be very<br />

sensible. They would confine the televising to the judge’s<br />

summing up and sentencing remarks. That would be<br />

helpful, because sentencing remarks give out not only a<br />

warning to the public but an indication to practitioners<br />

of the penalties that certain offences attract. A period<br />

of experimentation would be helpful in this regard.<br />

Much has been said about the recent flurry of activity<br />

from active shareholders in companies such as Trinity<br />

Mirror and Aviva. I will not rehearse those arguments,<br />

but I hope that we will see a strengthening of shareholder<br />

democracy. It is abominable that share values can go<br />

down while bonuses go up. That makes no sense whatever.<br />

We also believe in a maximum wage, with a set differential<br />

between those at the top of a company and those at the<br />

bottom. That is not a new idea. In fact, it was first floated<br />

by the successful financier J. P. Morgan more than<br />

100 years ago. It seems to work well in many spheres,<br />

and I would like to see it happening in this context. I<br />

would also support workers’ representation in the<br />

boardroom, to provide perspective for companies on<br />

remuneration and on the business of the company in<br />

general. Perhaps we can learn from structures that are<br />

already in place in successful countries such as Germany.<br />

I wholeheartedly welcome the notion of the separation<br />

of retail and investment banking. The Chancellor will<br />

know that that proposal has the support of the whole<br />

House; it is long overdue.<br />

Proposals have been put forward for a single-tier<br />

pension and, from what I have heard, that seems a good<br />

idea. We floated the idea in 2010, with what we called<br />

the living pension. This seems to be a similar idea and,<br />

whatever it is called, if it is pitched reasonably, it will be<br />

a good measure. We all have examples of widows telling<br />

us that they have missed three or four years’ work while<br />

they brought up their children, and that they are now<br />

condemned to receiving a much lower state pension. A<br />

single-tier pension would be simpler to administer and<br />

better all round. I welcome the notion, at least, although<br />

we will need to look into the details that will no doubt<br />

appear before long.<br />

On the proposals for procedural changes to adoption,<br />

there is certainly a case for ensuring that youngsters<br />

who come up for adoption are taken care of with the<br />

minimum of fuss and delay. Delay only adds to the<br />

heartache. I have no doubt that we all have the best<br />

interests of the children at heart, but we must remember<br />

that 40% of our courts have now been shut down and<br />

tens of thousands of court staff have been laid off.<br />

Those staff would have assisted families in their first<br />

encounter with the court process. In addition, hundreds<br />

of people at the Children and Family Court Advisory<br />

and Support Service—which prepares reports on families<br />

involved in placement and, ultimately, adoption—have<br />

also gone, and there have been huge cuts in the probation<br />

service. There have been cuts in social services as well.<br />

How are we going to improve the adoption service<br />

against the background of those cuts? I think that there<br />

will be problems ahead. I hope that we will be able to<br />

achieve those improvements, because there is certainly<br />

a case for doing so, but I am afraid that there will be<br />

problems.<br />

I can add nothing to what the right hon. Member for<br />

Haltemprice and Howden (Mr Davis) said about the<br />

proposals for internet surveillance. He put forward his<br />

views on them in the clearest possible way. I actually<br />

believe that there is a case for surveillance to enable the<br />

security services to carry out their work, but there must<br />

be safeguards in place. I am sure that we will be able to<br />

discuss that matter further. The proposals for secret<br />

courts are doomed to failure from the beginning. What<br />

the right hon. Gentleman did not say—unintentionally,<br />

no doubt—was that several special advocates have resigned,<br />

over the years, because they find the concept so one-sided<br />

and unjust that they do not want to be part of it.<br />

Should we be perpetuating and extending that system?<br />

The answer, quite frankly, is no, and anyone with any<br />

concern for the court process would undoubtedly say<br />

that that is the proper response.<br />

I am surprised that there was no mention in the<br />

speech of the High Speed 2 rail link. We have heard a<br />

lot about it over the past few months, but it seems to<br />

have gone to ground for the time being. I was rather<br />

looking forward to Wales receiving a Barnett formula<br />

consequential of around £1.9 billion, which could be<br />

spent on improving transport infrastructure across Wales<br />

and electrifying the lines that sorely need it.<br />

Geraint Davies: I agree that we should be campaigning<br />

for that £1.9 billion consequential for Wales. Does the<br />

right hon. Gentleman agree that, in addition to the case<br />

for electrification, there is a case to be made for a<br />

reduction in the Severn bridge toll? Traffic across the<br />

bridge was reduced by 7% last year, but we need that<br />

connectivity to the south-west if we are to build the<br />

economy of south Wales.<br />

Mr Llwyd: The hon. Gentleman is right; that is<br />

becoming an issue. The decrease in traffic across the<br />

bridge in the past two years has been quite stark, and<br />

that is not going to help anyone’s economy. I am sure<br />

that there is a case for such a reduction, and we should<br />

look carefully at it. Otherwise, there could be a drag on<br />

further development in that part of Wales, if not the<br />

whole of the country.<br />

I would have welcomed further steps towards devolving<br />

powers relating to energy generation projects over 50 MW<br />

to the Welsh Government. Some of us who took part in<br />

the deliberations on the last Wales legislation did not<br />

understand how the figure of 50 MW had been arrived<br />

at. The result has been that potential developers, often<br />

multinationals, can get their developments—windmills,<br />

for example, which not everyone is in favour of—pushed<br />

through on the nod by the Department in London over<br />

the heads of those in the Welsh Government. That is<br />

not right. The other side of that coin is that several<br />

thousand people in mid-Wales make their living out of<br />

developing sustainable energy materials and projects.<br />

I would like to see that expanded, which is why I would<br />

like the limit of 50 MW to be removed. We need to<br />

develop that industry further. It is already moving forward;<br />

mid-Wales is like a mini-silicon valley, with thousands<br />

of jobs involved. We need to carry on encouraging that,<br />

and we are well placed to do so.

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