Relevance of - United Nations Economic Commission for Africa

have greater access to decision-making power relative to women who do not have economic
independence. In most cases, the position of women in matrilineal societies also seems to
be better than those in patrilineal societies, although in some matrilineal societies, such
as the Berbers, Tuareg, and the Shaho of Eritrea, women neither participate in decisionmaking
nor have inheritance rights.
• Gender in consensual systems
As noted, the consensual systems are largely democratic in their dispensation. However, the
decision-making process is rarely inclusive of all members of the community. Women and
young adults, for example, though not formally prohibited by rule, are often presumed to be
represented by their husbands and fathers, respectively, and are customarily excluded from
participation in the decision-making assemblies. Although, in some cases, women played
various key societal roles, the patrilineal systems are particularly weak in protecting gender
equality in decision-making on issues of a public nature. Among the Ibo, for example,
disputes that family heads fail to resolve are referred to the umuada (married daughters)
(Uwazie, 1994). Likewise, in the Eritrean village baito system, land is allocated to the
household which is formed by marriage. In cases of divorce, the household’s allotment,
along with other property, are split equally between the former spouses (Mengisteab,
2003).
By contrast, we also find cases, such as among the Sonjo in Tanzania, the Gussi of Kenya
and Uganda, and the Tiv of Nigeria, where women seem to have few rights as they are
subordinated to their husbands who pay significant amounts in bride-wealth to marry
them (Gray, 1960). As Kritz and Gurak (1989) note, acceptance of bride-wealth seems
to transfer reproductive rights to the husband and his lineage. If divorce or separation
occurs, the wife is often obliged to return the bride-wealth payment or leave her children
with their father.
• Gender in chieftaincy systems
Similarly, opportunities for women to participate in decision-making in the chieftaincy
systems are limited, although there are considerable differences between communities.
Women in the Nupe and Yoruba societies are generally considered to maintain an
autonomous economic role as market traders organizing trade guilds, which protect their
interests and allow them to play important roles in political activities (Lebeuf, 1963;
Levine, 1970). Women in some Mende communities of Sierra Leone, where the Sande
secret societies operate, are also said to be politically equal to men. In these communities
women’s Sande societies and men’s Poro associations are said to alternate political ritual
control with women rising to become chiefs (Day, 1988). Kofyar women in the Jos plateau
of Nigeria are also said to exercise independent economic and social decisions with little
subordination to men while they may be excluded from mostly symbolic performances of
rituals (Netting, 1969).