CC_India

JAGATSINGHPUR (ODISHA)
The nine year long anti POSCO struggle (Pratirodh
Sangram Samiti) is a democratic peoples’ protest
against the takeover of their land by the South Korean
steel giant. The peoples’ blockade is ringed by the
repressive apparatus of platoons of the state’s paramilitaries
and the POSCO steel company’s strongmen. It has
created a kind of war-like situation for the people under
siege. Women, particularly of lower castes and classes of
Odisha society in the three panchayats of the struggle’s
fortress area - Dhinkia, Nuagaon and GadaKujanga -have
been at the forefront maintaining the blockade all these
years. Through their often physical resistance, including
the use of the body as a strategy — the women have
borne the brunt of the police’s lathi charge, tear gas
and rubber bullets and multiple (false) criminal cases
have been registered against them. The area abuts onto
the Maoist affected central and eastern India corridor
and the myriad revolutionary armed struggles driven by
the predatory extractive industry, land alienation and
displacement. By contrast, the anti POSCO leadership
has been associated with the parliamentary left, CPI
and not what the Indian state describes as ‘left wing
extremism’. The Odisha state seems to have decided
to brand people who democratically protest against its
predatory development policy as ‘maoists’.
KANDHAMAL (ODISHA)
Kandhamal was a site of communal violence largely
directed at the Christian minority though the state
discourse frames it as an ethnic conflict between adivasis
(tribals) and Dalits (most oppressed castes) and
excludes the role of fundamentalist Hindutva forces.
While the Kandhamal violence does not approximate to
the context of militarisation and extremism that characterises
militarisation zones, the common trail of sexualised
violence against women (VAW) in situations of
politicised violence led us to Kandhamal. Also, as with
the other conflict zones, Kandhamal documents the
narratives of women survivors rebuilding lives broken by
violence. The CC offered us an opportunity to hear the
silences around sexual assaults on women, the sense of
insecurity of women living amidst their violators, the
courageous struggle for justice in the face of unequal
and corrupting power, and women’s contribution to
the process of peace, justice and social reconciliation
in Kandhamal.
RAJOURI & POONCH (JAMMU & KASHMIR)
While Jammu & Kashmir was a predictable choice to
explore the social impact of militarisation, corruption
and security, the focus on the border districts of
Rajouri &Poonch called for some explanation. Here, it
was said, the army was a ‘friendly force’ patrolling the
borders, not a counter insurgency force brutalising civilians.
Scholarly and policy attention has been focused
on the strategically significant Kashmir valley. It was
Kashmir’s ethno-national assertion, which challenged
Indian nationalism; it was Kashmir over which India
and Pakistan ideologically, territorially and diplomatically
battled in three wars, and it was in Kashmir that
the commitment of Indian democracy to rights and
equality was tested. Rajouri and Poonch were a footnote
to Kashmir’s turbulent history of partition, militancy
and militarisation. Here were unquiet borders redrawn
in war and dividing families of co-ethnic kin. Intriguing
news reports spoke of a different social and political
dynamic at work in these border districts peopled by a
complex mosaic of religious, ethnic and linguistic communities,
in contrast to the largely mono-ethnic Muslim
valley. It was here we read of the mass revenge slaughter
of extended families. Here were sightings of women
and men whose ears and nose had been punitively slit.
Many women were beheaded for being informers.
TRIPURA (NORTHEAST)
The Northeast, ravaged by insurgencies around identity
assertions, is the focus for policy studies on conflict
resolution. However, the state of Tripura has been
neglected, as it has been projected as a ‘success story
of governance’ and post conflict stability with a four
times elected Left government. Its cycles of ethnic violence
rooted in the demographic militarisation of the
indigenous tribal peoples, were said to have been contained
by two peace accords and the constitution of
an Autonomous Tribal Council for the indigenous peoples.
Curiously though AFSPA, the exceptional law for
‘disturbed areas’, has remained in force. Also, there is
the familiar Northeast feature of an entrenched nexus
between the political parties (and business) and insurgents
i.e. the National Left Front of Tripura with the
Congress and the All Tripura Tigers Force (ATTF) with
the ruling Left Front. 3 While targeted attacks against
the state (and the Bengali settlers) had been contained,
targets of violence had shifted to inter tribal violence.
UNEQUAL CITIZENS: Women’s Narratives of Resistance, Militarisation, Corruption and Security
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