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Corruption fuels conflict and itself reinforces corruption.<br />

The political economies of conflict are non accountable<br />

producing huge distortions and inequalities. Counter<br />

insurgency strategies and the politics of pacification<br />

and appeasement shovel wild money that spawns non<br />

accountable patronage networks undermining democratic<br />

institutions and transparent processes. Extortion<br />

is rampant in these conflict affected areas. Women,<br />

especially women without men, are rendered particularly<br />

vulnerable in accessing basic needs and rights in<br />

conditions of systemic corruption reinforced by insecurity<br />

and militarisation. The <strong>CC</strong>s reflected a high degree<br />

of cynicism and demoralised resignation at the widespread<br />

and prevalent nature of corruption — which<br />

taints everything, hollowing out the education system,<br />

undermining land rights, access to jobs, welfare and<br />

development schemes, compensation entitlements,<br />

and even the soldiers food entitlements.<br />

In Tripura and J&K the state setting its sight on national<br />

security ‘bribes’ in the name of counter-insurgency and<br />

pacification reinforcing patronage networks, distorting<br />

development, corroding institutions and entrenching<br />

non accountability. The women in an LoC village in<br />

Poonch poignantly and succinctly captured the wastefulness<br />

of badly designed and implemented facilities<br />

which were so desperately in need such as a Public<br />

Health Centre (PHC) with life saving facilities all locked<br />

up beyond the reach of the pregnant women whose<br />

lives and whose babies’ lives might be lost while struggling<br />

to reach a distant hospital. All because as is the<br />

way of ‘doing’ in the area, the local CO had promised<br />

a ‘job’/bribe in the hurry to acquire land for the PHC<br />

in time for a flashy inaugural with Sonia Gandhi which<br />

then failed to deliver. In this model village a public toilet<br />

had been built, a demand especially of the women. Who<br />

decides where? The army’s favourites -this time it was<br />

the sarpanch who wanted it as an adjunct to his house.<br />

The last laugh was on him. There is no water.<br />

In Tripura expressions like ‘middle men’ and ‘political<br />

manipulation’ are used to convey the entrenched structures<br />

of discrimination and disadvantage vis-à-vis the<br />

tribals at the levels of governance, institutions (State<br />

Women’s Commission) and accessing basic entitlements.<br />

On the other side is the rampant extortion of<br />

the militants, once accepted as ‘taxation’, now seen as<br />

oppressively criminal. The nexus of politicians, business<br />

and militants is based on corruption. The women<br />

drew attention to the need to encourage independent<br />

media agencies to investigate and publicise corruption<br />

involved in land deeds, the links between insurgents/<br />

corporate business and politicians and third parties and<br />

corruption in the military which particularly hurts the<br />

ordinary soldier.<br />

In Odisha, the women in the resistance struggle are<br />

well aware of reinforcing layers of corruption that has<br />

brought POSCO to their land and the position of the<br />

government as the protector of globalised corporate<br />

interest and not of poor citizens. In Kandhamal, the<br />

power of the Hindu caste majority corrupts, absolutely,<br />

the law and order institutions that are suppose to protect<br />

them. Police stand by while the most vulnerable<br />

and marginalised are attacked, sexually tortured and<br />

brutally killed.<br />

No sector is aloof from the taint. The political economy<br />

of militarisation as one woman summed up is ‘dukandari’<br />

(business). Practices of impunity reinforce non<br />

accountability. Corruption and patronage networks<br />

thrive on non transparency. With the militarisation of<br />

development, people perceive the army is as entangled<br />

in day-to-day corruption of inviting tenders, awarding<br />

‘favourites’, making ‘deals’. So inured are women and<br />

men regarding corruption that you hear of the notion of<br />

‘efficient corruption’ and ‘inefficient corruption’ — the<br />

difference being bribes will be paid, but while some will<br />

actually get the work done, others will just pocket the<br />

money.<br />

As a student in Jammu said — from the militants, they<br />

expect nothing more or better, but the army is there for<br />

ensuring the security of all citizens. So then why is it<br />

oppressing innocents, corroding everything around it?<br />

Running through these conversations is a deep sense of<br />

being unequal citizens. And yet our conversations with<br />

the women were also a strong reminder that when ‘all is<br />

burning’ — it is the women who begin to rebuild broken<br />

homes and broken lives. The images that stay are that<br />

of women survivors resilient and strong like Reshma, so<br />

proudly showing us a small homestead that she transformed<br />

into a vegetable garden with a few fruit orchard<br />

trees, a pucca roof that she waited 10 years to build<br />

waiting for militancy to end, three buffaloes, a daughter<br />

married, a son who migrated to Saudi Arabia for work,<br />

a daughter-in-law and two grandchildren. She is one of<br />

the thousands of elected women in the local self governance<br />

tier of the government. She is building a brighter,<br />

hopefully more inclusive future — that is as long as the<br />

ceasefire holds. She does not talk of peace.<br />

52 UNEQUAL CITIZENS: Women’s Narratives of Resistance, Militarisation, Corruption and Security

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