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Women linked corruption with their ‘unequal’ access to state entitlements<br />

including the availability of health and educational facilities,<br />

that was further reinforced by the army’s occupation of these facilities.<br />

disorder’ undermining democratic process and governance.<br />

As an analyst of militancy in Tripura observed,<br />

“The nexus between political parties and insurgent<br />

groups in Tripura has become stable over the years. The<br />

NLFT is said to have close linkages with the Congress (I),<br />

while the ATTF is aligned with the ruling left front.” Even<br />

the Tribal Council, an instrument envisaged to empower<br />

the tribal population, has become an arena where the<br />

insurgents effectively alter the poll dynamics through<br />

the use of violence. Several respondents alluded to this<br />

nexus as a source of insecurity and corruption.<br />

CORRUPTION<br />

The reorganisation of the Northeast into seven states<br />

was determined more by political and security concerns<br />

bypassing the criteria of economic viability.<br />

These states remain ‘special category’ states with a<br />

very high dependence on central funds up to 70-80%<br />

in central grant assistance. In Tripura as elsewhere in<br />

the Northeast such ‘peace as pacification’ funds have<br />

deepened patronage networks. Moreover, insurgency<br />

and counterinsurgency operations bring in more unaccountable<br />

funds reinforcing non accountability as elaborated<br />

in the J&K section. Speaking at the <strong>CC</strong> seminar<br />

(Aug 2012) Subir Bhaumik, one of the most influential<br />

journalists writing on the Northeast, drew attention to<br />

the “misuse” of central funds and emphasised the need<br />

for “greater accountability”. He also criticised development<br />

projects that were disadvantageous for the tribals<br />

such as the Dumbar dam which deprived and displaced<br />

the indigenous peoples.<br />

Women respondents to the questionnaire spoke euphemistically<br />

of unequal access to government entitlements<br />

and schemes because of ‘middle men’. Lilypar<br />

Hrangkhawl of ATIMA complained about ‘political<br />

manipulation’, drawing attention to the perceived discrimination<br />

by a Bengali dominated power structure<br />

that controls institutions including the State Women’s<br />

Commission. As several respondents emphasised, such<br />

institutions have proved indifferent and even hostile<br />

to tribal interests. Women linked corruption with their<br />

‘unequal’ access to state entitlements including the<br />

availability of health and educational facilities, that was<br />

further reinforced by the army’s occupation of these<br />

facilities.<br />

In the context of majority–minority ethnicised politics,<br />

the tribes have been at a great disadvantage in<br />

establishing documented claims to lands and community<br />

forests resulting in significant land alienation and<br />

displacement. Corruption translates into the unequal<br />

access and capacity of the tribes to contest land alienation,<br />

especially as most revenue officials and other<br />

structures of power are dominated by non tribals.<br />

In addition, the tribal women had to pay the taxes<br />

extorted by the militants. Security forces and militants<br />

habitually ‘take’ villagers‘ chickens and pork as their<br />

due. With the men migrating for work, arrested, or gone<br />

to join the militants, it is the women who are obliged<br />

to pay up whether they can afford it or not. There was<br />

sharp bitterness as articulated in the questionnaire<br />

against ‘affluent people who can buy everything with<br />

money’, while the women in some cases have been<br />

reduced to near starvation and even prostitution.<br />

UNEQUAL CITIZENS: Women’s Narratives of Resistance, Militarisation, Corruption and Security<br />

45

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