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The students are only too aware what corruption means for their lives —<br />

a bankrupt educational system. Without hefty bribes there is no access to<br />

government jobs, basic welfare entitlement schemes and compensation.<br />

CORRUPTION<br />

Operation Sadbhavna opened up the army to charges<br />

of corruption. Anant’s study showed that, since there<br />

was no specific recruitment for Sadbhavna, soldiers and<br />

officers were getting involved in the nitty-gritty of getting<br />

clearances for projects, acquisition of land, inviting<br />

tenders, ensuring quality in the infrastructure projects<br />

. “The downside of being a people-friendly Army is that<br />

people no longer respect the Army. Many felt that they<br />

were being perceived by people as corrupt government<br />

officials looking to make money by awarding contracts”,<br />

army officers said.<br />

The sarpanchs, educationists, and the local leaders<br />

were openly sceptical about Sadbhavna and spoke of it<br />

as another source of corruption. As a local journalist in<br />

Mendhar observed, contractors to the army for implementing<br />

Operation Sadbhavna projects made crores,<br />

especially on rural projects. In the urban areas there<br />

was some accountability but in the rural areas, none.<br />

The CO was the only check. It was commonplace to<br />

inflate costs. Cheap computers were bought, and their<br />

cost quadrupled. A couple of ‘defence contractors’, one<br />

involved in building infrastructure, the other supplying<br />

foodstuffs to the forces said “commissions were routine<br />

and a cut was given at every level of the state administration”.<br />

“Women administrators were amongst the<br />

most demanding”, the defence contractor said. Mark<br />

ups were at least 28%.The food and milk supplier to the<br />

soldiers said that the skim off was 30 percent and the<br />

quality of the meat, vegetables and milk very poor.<br />

There was a widespread popular perception that “militancy<br />

and the army were linked with corruption.” A<br />

group of women in Poonch baldly stated that the army<br />

had a vested interest in staying on despite declining militancy<br />

— “army kidukandaari” (the army’s in business).<br />

Army sources insisted that the crores of counter insurgency<br />

money goes not to the army but to the state government<br />

and the intelligence agencies. However, there<br />

is the tranche of “Security Related Expenditure” — for<br />

‘sources,’ and informers. The “root of corruption is New<br />

Delhi’s desperation to keep Kashmir,” said a perceptive<br />

Sarpanch. The younger generation that has grown up in<br />

the shadow of militancy and has tasted the ‘dividends’<br />

of ceasefire and ‘pacification’ resources has its own analytical<br />

understanding of corruption.<br />

“Militancy began in the decade of the 1980s. But<br />

corruption in J&K is not an outcome of militancy.<br />

It has historical roots. It is the elite, the ruling<br />

class that is responsible for corruption. There’s also<br />

no point in blaming the army because a majority<br />

of their ranks belong to the same class as we do.<br />

The central government does not want to end the<br />

problem of militancy, as it is economically and<br />

strategically beneficial to them.”<br />

The students are only too aware what corruption means<br />

for their lives — a bankrupt educational system. Without<br />

hefty bribes there is no access to government jobs, basic<br />

welfare entitlement schemes and compensation. The<br />

principal of a Girls College in Rajouri, Razia Quereshi<br />

decried the corrupt educational system which forced<br />

her to pass illiterates. Reshma the panch from Banwaat<br />

village, had to accept as normal the Block Development<br />

officer would cut funds, before releasing them for the<br />

NREGA scheme of guaranteed 100 days employment<br />

for the poor. What about the funds of the Border Areas<br />

Development Programme (BADP)? “It’s controlled by<br />

the army and they decided who to favour”.<br />

Reshma, Alafi, Sameena, Fatima, Shahpari have few<br />

resources and even fewer choices but they refuse to<br />

be broken and become the state’s expendable peoples.<br />

These unequal citizens have shown resilience and courage<br />

in rebuilding their lives and that of the community<br />

in the face of an indifferent security state and political<br />

militancy turned into extremism.<br />

UNEQUAL CITIZENS: Women’s Narratives of Resistance, Militarisation, Corruption and Security<br />

39

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