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A 70-year old grandmother from a fenced out village in Uri district<br />
crosses over to POK/ Azad Kashmir to join her son and grandsons. It precipitated<br />
a sequence of events that included the beheading of two <strong>India</strong>n soldiers at<br />
Krishnaghati (Poonch) and a near ceasefire meltdown in January 2013.<br />
women fled the villages and were given refuge in oneroom<br />
government quarters in Buddhal. With the Assam<br />
Rifles battalion about to withdraw from Buddhal, their<br />
insecurity is mounting.<br />
“At the time, our Muslim neighbours had helped<br />
pick up the dead bodies and perform the last rites.<br />
They did not stop us from leaving then. Now they<br />
do not want us to return to our lands. If we are attacked<br />
again, they say this time don’t look to us to<br />
pick up the bodies. Anyway without our men what<br />
worth are our lands.”<br />
Conflict situations destabalise the moral compass for<br />
not only the armed actors but the conflict affected society.<br />
The desperation of survival makes for ambiguity and<br />
makes for a suspension of judgment. Here you would be<br />
an army ‘source’ by day and a militant accomplice by<br />
night. In that continuum, it was not ideology but the<br />
compulsions of survival that led the Paharis, Gujjars,<br />
Bakerwals in the remote passes to ‘serve’ as the army’s<br />
porters, informers and trail blazers in the minefields.<br />
But greed too made them guide infiltrating militants<br />
and provide them food and shelter. When politics failed,<br />
the militants came with sackfuls of money (sometimes<br />
fake currency). Dr Mushtaq of Surankot remembered<br />
seeing Dhodi tribal women in their distinctive red dress<br />
buying almonds, cashews and coca cola, evidently for<br />
the militants. The political economy of conflict brought<br />
opportunities for some just as it closed life enhancing<br />
options for others.<br />
VILLAGES THAT STRADDLE THE LoC<br />
In Poonch, where the LoC is never far, dependence and<br />
terror stalk the border villages, especially in the 45 totally<br />
fenced out and nearly 100 partially fenced out villages. 26<br />
In Barbaad Keerni, a fenced out village once notorious<br />
as an access route for militants, in 1991 (when cross<br />
border confrontations were intense in this sector, and<br />
the Pakistan army posts on the strategic heights were<br />
positioned much closer, than the <strong>India</strong>n army camp<br />
below,) 22 families (76 persons) went overnight across<br />
the border. Amongst Keerni’s divided families questions<br />
of identity and belonging are blurred or circumstantial.<br />
Md Sarwar works with the J&K police, his brother with<br />
the BSF in West Bengal. Returning home, they discover<br />
the parents have ‘gone over’ to Pakistan Administered<br />
Kashmir. In the wake of Kargil (1998) and Operation<br />
Parakrama (2002), and the fencing of the border, Keerni<br />
was evacuated. In 2010 they were allowed to return. 27<br />
For the borderlanders of the LOC, the border continues<br />
to be a shifting reality. Even now entire families and on<br />
occasion entire villages (Barbad Keerni, Panja Ghari,<br />
Manjakot) have fled across the border to avoid cross fire<br />
shelling or reprisals. A 70-year old grandmother from<br />
a fenced out village in Uri district crosses over to POK/<br />
Azad Kashmir to join her son and grandsons. It precipitated<br />
a sequence of events that included the beheading<br />
of two <strong>India</strong>n soldiers at Krishnaghati (Poonch)<br />
and a near ceasefire meltdown in January 2013. It was<br />
a reminder of how everyday lives of the people of the<br />
fenced out border villages are co-joined with the grand<br />
<strong>India</strong>-Pakistan narrative.<br />
UNEQUAL CITIZENS: Women’s Narratives of Resistance, Militarisation, Corruption and Security<br />
35