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Ludwig von Mises on Money and Inflation.pdf - The Ludwig von ...

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thing about inflati<strong>on</strong> that we can know for sure. You cannot tell today<br />

whether or not people in the government tomorrow or the day after tomorrow<br />

will not choose for some reas<strong>on</strong> to increase the quantity of m<strong>on</strong>ey,<br />

that is to inflate. ey may have an excuse. ey will say: “Inflati<strong>on</strong> is<br />

bad. ere should never be any questi<strong>on</strong> of inflati<strong>on</strong>.” And then they will<br />

add: “Yes, but we didn’t take into account the c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s of an important<br />

war. Really this situati<strong>on</strong> didn’t exist before.” And then they will increase<br />

the quantity of m<strong>on</strong>ey.<br />

In <strong>on</strong>e of the many belligerent countries of the last fifty years, there<br />

was <strong>on</strong>e Minister of Finance who, when asked “Why do you inflate Is it<br />

not a crime that you are destroying the currency of your country by issuing<br />

more m<strong>on</strong>ey <strong>and</strong> therefore raising prices” answered, “In time of war, it is<br />

the duty of every citizen of every branch of the government <strong>and</strong> of every<br />

part of the country to c<strong>on</strong>tribute as much as possible to the defense of the<br />

country. From this point of view, as Minister of Finance, I c<strong>on</strong>tributed by<br />

printing m<strong>on</strong>ey.”<br />

e Germans before the first World War were highly intelligent <strong>and</strong><br />

very patriotic. But unfortunately for decades <strong>and</strong> decades the government<br />

<strong>and</strong> all the professors it had appointed to the universities had taught very<br />

bad ec<strong>on</strong>omics, especially m<strong>on</strong>etary ec<strong>on</strong>omics. Sixty years ago, a German<br />

professor, a teacher of ec<strong>on</strong>omics of great renown, G. F. Knapp, declared:<br />

“M<strong>on</strong>ey is what the government says it is. M<strong>on</strong>ey is a government product.<br />

e government is sovereign <strong>and</strong> free to do what it wants.” He was not saying<br />

something new. e <strong>on</strong>ly new thing was that a professor was saying it,<br />

that all the people in the government said, “All right,” <strong>and</strong> that even those<br />

who did not say “all right” acted as it they c<strong>on</strong>sidered it all right. at<br />

meant that the governments claimed the privilege to declare what people<br />

had in their minds when they made agreements c<strong>on</strong>cerning m<strong>on</strong>ey. It was<br />

not remarkable that the professor said this, you know—professors sometimes<br />

say things that are not remarkable. But what was very remarkable<br />

was that the people accepted it.<br />

An American ec<strong>on</strong>omist, B. M. Anders<strong>on</strong>, predicted Professor Knapp’s<br />

influence would be such that students would probably “have to read his<br />

book if they wished to underst<strong>and</strong> the next decade of German history. . . .<br />

Look at your German theory, look at the German so-called ec<strong>on</strong>omic<br />

doctrine <strong>on</strong> m<strong>on</strong>ey <strong>and</strong> then you will see what will happen to the German<br />

m<strong>on</strong>ey.” 1 And he was perfectly right! e result came very so<strong>on</strong>. When<br />

1 “[T]here is a fair chance that American students may have to read his book [G. F.<br />

Knapp, Staatliche eorie des Geldes, Leipzig, 1905] if they wish to underst<strong>and</strong> the next<br />

40

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