Ludwig von Mises on Money and Inflation.pdf - The Ludwig von ...
Ludwig von Mises on Money and Inflation.pdf - The Ludwig von ...
Ludwig von Mises on Money and Inflation.pdf - The Ludwig von ...
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m<strong>on</strong>ey had not been developed to a c<strong>on</strong>siderable extent. Charles I couldn’t<br />
inflate, you know. ere was no soluti<strong>on</strong> for him; he could not engage<br />
in deficit spending. is was the undoing of the Stuart family <strong>and</strong> the<br />
Stuart regime. And in the c<strong>on</strong>flict which originated out of this, <strong>on</strong>e member<br />
of the Stuart family lost his life in a very disagreeable way—Charles I<br />
lost his head. 1 And the Stuart family as such lost the crown of Engl<strong>and</strong>.<br />
What the poor Stuarts didn’t have was the facility of the printing press as<br />
it exists today.<br />
e m<strong>on</strong>etary problem we have to struggle with today is the problem<br />
of paying for government expenditures which are not accepted or, let<br />
us say, not approved, by the people. e c<strong>on</strong>duct of government affairs,<br />
public affairs, is not different from the c<strong>on</strong>duct of the financial <strong>and</strong> m<strong>on</strong>etary<br />
c<strong>on</strong>duct of private affairs. If the government wants to spend, it has<br />
to collect the m<strong>on</strong>ey; it must tax the people. If it doesn’t tax, but increases<br />
the quantity of m<strong>on</strong>ey in order to spend more, then it brings about an<br />
inflati<strong>on</strong>. e difference between the c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s in 18th century Engl<strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>and</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s in other countries, let us say for instance in Russia,<br />
c<strong>on</strong>sisted of the fact that the Russian government was free to take away<br />
from its subjects what it wanted while the British government was not.<br />
e British government had to comply with the provisi<strong>on</strong>s of a set of laws<br />
that limited the amount of m<strong>on</strong>ey the government had the right to collect<br />
from its citizens. And it had to spend this m<strong>on</strong>ey precisely according to<br />
the wishes of the people.<br />
All our c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong>al laws <strong>and</strong> our system of government are based<br />
up<strong>on</strong> the fact the government is not permitted to do anything that violates<br />
this system of laws representing the moral <strong>and</strong> actual ideas <strong>and</strong> philosophies<br />
of our people. But if the government is in a positi<strong>on</strong> to increase<br />
the quantity of m<strong>on</strong>ey, all these provisi<strong>on</strong>s become absolutely meaningless<br />
<strong>and</strong> useless. If it is said that the government has to spend, is entitled<br />
to spend, a definite amount of m<strong>on</strong>ey for keeping people in pris<strong>on</strong>s, this<br />
means something. ere is a definite reas<strong>on</strong> for its spending. All our legal<br />
provisi<strong>on</strong>s are influenced to some extent by the fact that this is the amount<br />
of m<strong>on</strong>ey which is given to the government for this purpose. But if the<br />
government is in a positi<strong>on</strong> to increase the quantity of m<strong>on</strong>ey to use for its<br />
own purposes, then all these things become merely a theoretical expressi<strong>on</strong><br />
of something which has practically no meaning at all. We must not forget<br />
that all the protecti<strong>on</strong> given to individuals through c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>and</strong> laws<br />
disappears if the government is in a positi<strong>on</strong> to destroy the meaning of ev-<br />
1 Charles I was beheaded <strong>on</strong> January 30, 1649<br />
44