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PANEL ORGAN - KIIT University

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Out of an estimated number of 11,000 -13, 000 Jaina monks and nuns 5 to 20 per cent of<br />

ordinations involve persons between the age of 8 and 18. In order to push their spiritual<br />

progress, the child ascetics as well as their adult counterparts are in a constant wandering<br />

condition, consume a strictly vegetarian diet and are focused on studying sacred<br />

scriptures, meditation, and performing liturgical rituals. Alerted by the strictness of the<br />

ascetic discipline, the traditional practice of child ordination was recently put into<br />

question by Indian child protection as according to their opinion, the life of an ascetic<br />

infringes the rights of children, which are listed in the Juvenile Justice Act of 2000. On the<br />

other hand, proponents of child ordination claim it to be a fundamental religious right,<br />

granted in article 25 of the Indian Constitution. According to them, the inner urge to<br />

renounce the world (vairagya) is not age dependant and completely uncontrollable by<br />

legal procedures. Based on ethnographic data as well as on historical and contemporary<br />

sources the presentation will deal with the following questions: What does it actually<br />

mean for the affected children to be an ascetic<br />

CHENEY, Kristen, International Institute of Social Studies, of Erasmus <strong>University</strong><br />

Rotterdam, P.O. Box-29776, 2502 LT, The Hague, Netherlands, E-mail: <br />

Children as Ethnographers: Reflections on the Importance of Participatory Research in<br />

Assessing Orphans’ Needs<br />

Critiques of child participation within aid programming suggest that it is superficial and in<br />

substantive for the fulfillment of children’s rights. By employing former child research<br />

participants as youth research assistants, the collaborative research design developed for<br />

my research project on the survival strategies of African orphans and vulnerable children<br />

(OVC) has yielded insights with implications for policy and practice that could not be<br />

gained without the extended ethnographic inclusion of children, as both participants and<br />

researchers. In this article, I share my reflections on doing participatory ethnography with<br />

children and youth to demonstrate that ethnographic research is appropriate to the tasks<br />

of increasing both children’s participation and the effectiveness of children’s rights —<br />

especially when it models children’s participation in its own research design. Further, I<br />

argue that involving young people in research can yield greater ownership of<br />

organizational practice and become transformative of young people and their relationships<br />

with their communities.<br />

SUREMAIN (DE), Charles-Edouard, Institute of Research for Development (IRD), UMR 208<br />

PaLoC - 57, rue Cuvier 75005 Paris, France, E-mail: <br />

Ethics in Practice With, For and By Children: Ethnographic Figures from Latin America<br />

In a growing context of media coverage and legislation on children, the particularity of<br />

fieldwork with children in developing countries implies some kind of proximity which<br />

requires particular precautions. How do anthropologists who work with, for and amongst<br />

children concretely face the situation In this paper, I will lean on four different<br />

“ethnographic scenario” in which complicity, wait-and-see attitude and interventionism<br />

are mobilized. The paper concludes on the necessity to lead some critical reflection based<br />

on grounded research.<br />

RANJAN, Geetika, Department of Anthropology, North-Eastern Hill <strong>University</strong>, Shillong-<br />

793022, Meghalaya, India, Email: /<br />

<br />

Research Ethics in Studying Children: Fieldwork Experience amongst the Bhoksa<br />

Tribals

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