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DP9-Aboriginal-Spirituality

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2002:383–5), and <strong>Aboriginal</strong> women have rejected this as myth. Such trade, rather, reflected<br />

the imperative for accommodation of the demands and expectations of colonial men, who<br />

outnumbered colonial women by as many as seven to one in the early colonies where this<br />

was reported (Atkinson 2002:62; Grieves 2003:16; Grimshaw et al. 1994:138).<br />

Marcia Langton (1997) has drawn attention to the role of women in the spiritual connection<br />

to land and the inadequacy of the orthodoxy ‘constructed from the emerging ethnographic<br />

literature from [the nineteenth] century’, essentially through the lens of Western patriarchy.<br />

This view, that descent was patrilineal or at least determined by patrifiliation, she argues, is<br />

negated by the role of women who:<br />

maintain <strong>Aboriginal</strong> traditions relating to land ownership by their politicking on matters to do with the<br />

constitution of contemporary customary corporations and nurturing of the social relations of the land tenure<br />

system (Langton 1997:84).<br />

Her experience in the Northern Territory, Queensland and parts of New South Wales is that ‘women retain bodies<br />

of knowledge pertaining to the spiritual landscape’ and that grandmothers have authority to make decisions ‘with<br />

a mind to the future of their descendants’, including the longevity and stability of social and territorial entities,<br />

their own power within structures of authority, the recruitment of kin to their own skin groups or allocation of<br />

them to others, and decisions concerning marriage arrangements (a key part of <strong>Aboriginal</strong> land Law). Further,<br />

she provides evidence of the land tenure arrangements and spiritual connections to land adapting to the<br />

disruptions of colonisation:<br />

Since men have been the greater casualties of the colonial incursions: the flexibility offered by serial matrifiliation<br />

and matrilateral connections to land in <strong>Aboriginal</strong> systems ensure that there are others who can assume<br />

primary spiritual responsibility for the land on the extinction of the people who previously had the primary<br />

responsibility (Langton 1997:96).<br />

When analysing <strong>Aboriginal</strong> women’s life writings, Aileen Moreton-Robinson (2000) identified the importance of<br />

<strong>Spirituality</strong> and relationality, though subjugated, in the social relationships of these women. <strong>Aboriginal</strong> <strong>Spirituality</strong><br />

comes from a moral universe distinct from that of Europeans: ‘Indigenous women perceive the world as organic<br />

and populated by spirits which connect places and people’. Unlike constructions of Christian spirituality, she<br />

argues, ‘Indigenous spirituality encompasses the intersubstantiation of ancestral beings, humans and physiography’<br />

and ‘the spiritual world is immediately experienced because it is synonymous with the physiography of the<br />

land’. Moreover, <strong>Spirituality</strong> ‘is a physical fact because it is experienced as part of one’s life’ and it leads to an<br />

understanding of personhood in very different ways to what is perceived as the norm. Life writings of <strong>Aboriginal</strong><br />

women are not concerned with motivations and intentions but are reflective of a wholistic, interconnected<br />

understanding of themselves, their life contexts and events as being ‘an extension of the earth, which is alive<br />

and unpredictable’ and a construction of self that extends beyond the immediate family (Moreton-Robinson<br />

2000:18–21; see also Thomas 2001; Fredericks 2003).<br />

The international context<br />

Traditional people of Indian nations have interpreted the two roads that face the light-skinned race as the road<br />

to technology and the road to spirituality. We feel that the road to technology… has led modern society to a<br />

damaged and seared earth. Could it be that the road to technology represents a rush to destruction, and that<br />

the road to spirituality represents the slower path that the traditional native people have travelled and are now<br />

seeking again The earth is not scorched on this trail. The grass is still growing there.<br />

William Commanda, Mamiwinini, Canada, 1991 (Stonees WebLodge 1996)<br />

Shawn Wilson (1999), Opaskwayak Cree from Manitoba, Canada, working as an academic in Australia, noticed<br />

that the spiritual beliefs of Indigenous Australians and Canadians that originated at opposite sides of the world<br />

are similar. When speaking at a conference about education in the corrections system, he explained that:<br />

16<br />

Cooperative Research Centre for <strong>Aboriginal</strong> Health • Discussion Paper Series: No. 9<br />

<strong>Aboriginal</strong> <strong>Spirituality</strong>: <strong>Aboriginal</strong> Philosophy<br />

The Basis of <strong>Aboriginal</strong> Social and Emotional Wellbeing

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