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DP9-Aboriginal-Spirituality

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Dudgeon and Williams (2000) suggest that the anthropological theory of bricolage, whereby Indigenous cultures<br />

have been found to adopt Western artefacts into culturally appropriate forms for functional purposes, could<br />

be applied to psychological practice. This is an inversion of the anthropological understanding of bricolage.<br />

It suggests that what is a natural appropriation by Indigenous groups of Western artefacts into their cultural<br />

practice becomes a contrived appropriation by Western psychology, the premise being that Western psychology<br />

is the baseline from which developments are to occur in the mental health treatment of <strong>Aboriginal</strong> people. This<br />

would be an appropriate application of the concept of bricolage if the Yolngu of Nhulunbuy, the Ngangkari of<br />

the Anangu, or the Marban of the Wonggai of the Western Desert, who operate from within their own cultural<br />

base, were to begin to appropriate Western forms into their healing practices. As Locke has described, this<br />

is most likely to happen by the incorporation of new characters and stories into their repertoires of healing<br />

practices, rather than by changing the philosophical and cultural basis of their practices to incorporate Western<br />

ontologies (Locke 1995). The bottom line is an understanding that <strong>Aboriginal</strong> culturally based practice is valuable<br />

and produces desirable outcomes for their people (NPYWCAC 2003; ABC Radio 2007).<br />

Atkinson has explored the history of trauma in <strong>Aboriginal</strong> families that have experienced colonisation and, while<br />

culture is a dynamic process, the impacts of trauma become ingrained so as to produce cultures of pain and<br />

disorder, sometimes called ‘cultures of poverty’ or ‘cultures of violence’: families can exist with multiple levels<br />

of pain, which she, among others, calls ‘transgenerational trauma’ (Atkinson 2002). Many social and emotional<br />

wellbeing practitioners stress that in order to heal it is crucial to understand the colonial history (Atkinson &<br />

Ober 1995; Atkinson 2002; Dudgeon & Williams 2000; Locke 1995; Phillips 2001, 2003; Wanganeen 1994, 2001).<br />

Atkinson promotes cultural healing as the way to overcome the impacts of transgenerational trauma, with the<br />

understanding of one’s own <strong>Spirituality</strong> at the core of this practice:<br />

<strong>Spirituality</strong> is a quality of being rather than an activity of belief. <strong>Spirituality</strong> is influenced by principles rather<br />

than conditioned by rules and beliefs. It is the spiritual that makes the person. By spiritual what I mean is in<br />

the universe, our connection with the creative, life-giving forces, spiritual life is about the whole person: it is<br />

about wholeness and completeness (Atkinson 1997:8).<br />

In this connection, Shawn Wilson, whose research and practice is with Indigenous people in prisons, maintains that:<br />

<strong>Spirituality</strong> is important [in education] as a means of rebuilding people’s connections to their environment. It<br />

is the spiritual death of many Indigenous people that has led them to be imprisoned in the first place (Wilson,<br />

S. 1999:2).<br />

Similarly, Val Carroll, an <strong>Aboriginal</strong> substance misuse worker, believes that substances are used as relationship<br />

enhancers and set up a ‘false spiritual connection’ between people; substance misuse also has the capacity to<br />

interfere with the spiritual relationships that do exist, between family members, and so may deny people their<br />

reason for existence (Carroll 1998:5–7).<br />

From reviews of literature produced by social and emotional wellbeing practitioners, it appears that although<br />

there is considerable support among practitioners for the incorporation of <strong>Spirituality</strong>, <strong>Aboriginal</strong> philosophy and<br />

concepts of personhood into social and emotional wellbeing practice, there are still some major breakthroughs<br />

to be achieved. Although the majority call for the appropriate positioning of <strong>Spirituality</strong> and culture at the core<br />

of approaches to dealing with <strong>Aboriginal</strong> clients, there is a lack of definition and explanation for these concepts,<br />

and often a window-dressing or perspective to Western practices.<br />

Those working within the constraints of Western psychology are having the greatest difficulty in making real<br />

gains in establishing an <strong>Aboriginal</strong> client base and effective ways of working with this group of clients. <strong>Aboriginal</strong><br />

attitudes to Western mental health practice need to be taken seriously, rather than being seen as evidence of a<br />

gap in their education or awareness. The cultural practice of <strong>Aboriginal</strong> Australians is about connectedness and<br />

relationships, law and protocols, responsibilities and reciprocity, and so approaches to healing that incorporate<br />

groups seem to be the most appropriate and effective.<br />

There is also a real need to develop approaches for dealing with <strong>Aboriginal</strong> clients based on <strong>Aboriginal</strong> concepts<br />

of personhood. More particularly, these approaches need to be locally based and developed according to the<br />

needs of the <strong>Aboriginal</strong> groups therein. This involves targeted research to establish the social and emotional<br />

wellbeing needs of local <strong>Aboriginal</strong> populations and how they may be best addressed; the people need to<br />

have the opportunity to speak and be listened to, their knowledges grounded into real change in approaches.<br />

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