MXGM Self-Defence Manual

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568 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / MARCH 1999 it draws political and financial support (1988, pp. 39-46). This tension creates vacillation in the dependent strata relative to militant collective action. Finally, the conservative sector represents the "far right of the Black Middle Class and Black society in general" and is characterized by its alienation from "Black public opinion" and consciousness. The leadership of SCLC emerged initially as part of the independent strata as their political relationship with the executive branch of the federal government in particular, and external support in general, increased. The Kennedy and Johnson administrations and SCLC leadership developed and maintained a cooperative relationship in the early to mid-1960s. Although on several occasions King and SCLC did openly criticize the Kennedy administration for its inaction, their relationship was qualitatively different from that of CORE and SNCC. King and SCLC occasionally honored the Kennedy and Johnson administrations' requests to have moratoriums on civil rights demonstrations at critical periods in local desegregation campaigns. SNCC and CORE leadership did not enjoy amicable relations with Washington. In fact, SNCC and CORE were often seen as troublemakers by the executive branch during this period. According to King's biographer, David Garrow, President John F. Kennedy was pleased that SCLC rather than SNCC was leading the 1963 desegregation campaign in Birmingham. Garrow (1986) quotes Kennedy as saying "SNCC has got an investment in violence.... They're sons of bitches" (p. 296). During the 1964 presidential elections, both SNCC and CORE refused to honor a request by incumbent President Lyndon B. Johnson to place a moratorium on demonstrations. The Urban League, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), and SCLC all agreed to honor President Johnson's requested moratorium to support his reelection efforts. Although SNCC, CORE, and SCLC all had predominately middle-class leadership, their class orientations were different. SCLC's leadership's relationship with the executive branch places them in the category of dependent petty bourgeois. CORE and SNCC's growing antagonistic relationship with federal, state, and
Umoja / ARMED RESISTANCE IN THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT 569 local administration reflects their leadership's orientation as independent Black middle class. These differences in ideological orientation were significant in effecting the process of each organization. Given SCLC's relationship with the Kennedy administration, they were least likely to openly embrace activists who advocated armed self-defense. The leaders of CORE and SNCC's fundamental principle of philosophical nonviolence also made them initially uncomfortable of advocates of armed resistance. But due to CORE and SNCC's tenuous and adversarial relationship with the federal government, they had little to lose by associating themselves with often working-class advocates of armed self-defense. National leaders in SNCC and CORE recognized in dangerous Southern battlefields like Cambridge, Maryland, Danville, Virginia, and rural Louisiana and Mississippi that their nonviolent organizer's survival depended on indigenous armed militants. The orientation of SNCC and CORE leadership toward the perspective of the independent Black middle class made them more likely to embrace armed activists, because they realized that they would have to rely on local militants for protection as the federal government seemed unable or unwilling to protect them. STYLE OF ORGANIZING While organizing in the Black Belt, SNCC staff encouraged the development of indigenous leaders to create a "peoples movement without dominating it" (Forman, 1972, p. 255). Ella Baker's initial emphasis on a group-centered orientation rather than a leadercentered orientation was incorporated into the organizing style of SNCC. The southern staff of CORE would also adopt this orientation in its Black Belt organizing (Haines, 1988, p. 49). SNCC activist Robert Moses called its style of organizing the "community organizing tradition." Moses (1989) states that there were three elements that characterized the "community organizing model." First, there was the importance of organizers integrating themselves into indigenous Black southern households, an "informal absorption" into communities that allowed SNCC and CORE activists with
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