Overlooked - Liberty
Overlooked - Liberty
Overlooked - Liberty
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<strong>Overlooked</strong>: Surveillance and personal privacy in modern Britain 53<br />
of Commons with little alteration but ran into concerted and sustained opposition in the House of<br />
Lords principally led by the Liberal Democrat Peer, Lord Phillips of Sudbury. This eventually led to<br />
the compromise described earlier, in which there could be no compulsion of any group without<br />
further legislation (although compulsion would still take place when obtaining a new passport). In the<br />
end, however, the Government effectively got its way. Many Peers had clearly become increasingly<br />
uncomfortable with continually blocking Government legislation. Meanwhile in the Commons, many<br />
Labour MPs had recently voted against the Government causing defeats in the Terrorism Bill and<br />
the Racial and Religious Hatred Bill passing though Parliament at the same time. Perhaps<br />
understandably, many were unwilling to further defy the party whip and thus the Bill received Royal<br />
Assent and became an Act.<br />
The Act<br />
The Identity Cards Act 2006 is not a particularly lengthy piece of legislation. It contains 44<br />
Sections and two Schedules. Considering its name, the Act contains remarkably few clauses<br />
about identity cards themselves. <strong>Liberty</strong> has maintained since the draft ID card Bill was published<br />
that the Government’s plans were more concerned with the creation of the NIR than about the<br />
cards themselves, which are essentially a by-product of registration. This is borne out by the<br />
Contents page of the Act, which makes 11 references to the register but only five to ID cards<br />
themselves.<br />
As no ID card has yet been produced and the NIR has not yet come into existence, comments<br />
about privacy repercussions must be based on the legislative framework creating the scheme. The<br />
purpose of this study is not to provide a detailed clause-by-clause analysis of the IDCA. This has<br />
been provided elsewhere by <strong>Liberty</strong> and others 116 . Rather, it will focus on the way in which the main<br />
provisions could impact upon privacy. This will not be limited to informational privacy, but also the<br />
impact that the fully operational scheme could have on individual privacy by, for example,<br />
potentially becoming a tool of internal immigration control. It is not possible to make an accurate<br />
prediction as to the full impact on individual privacy. What this work will attempt to do is draw<br />
attention to possible areas of future concern. As both the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats<br />
have pledged to scrap the scheme if elected it may be that the scheme never moves to full<br />
compulsion. Similarly, technical and procurement problems or cost issues may make the scheme<br />
unviable 117 . However, we are assuming that things progress according to the legislation passed<br />
and the stated intentions of the Government.<br />
It should be emphasised that most comments will relate to the initial scope of the Act. Nearly every<br />
definition is attached to a power to amend by parliamentary order.<br />
The Register<br />
At the heart of the Act is the NIR. The first five clauses set up the NIR and create the framework for<br />
registration. The two specific purposes of the NIR are to create a means for people to establish their<br />
identity and to allow a means for that identity to be checked when necessary in the public interest. This<br />
116<br />
<strong>Liberty</strong>’s briefings are available at www.liberty-human-rights.org.uk<br />
117<br />
See the Sixth Report of the Parliamentary Science and Technology Committee<br />
http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200506/cmselect/cmsctech/1032/103202.htm