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Overlooked - Liberty

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56 <strong>Overlooked</strong>: Surveillance and personal privacy in modern Britain<br />

available to anyone who wished to see them. This does not make us criminals. ‘Nothing to hide,<br />

nothing to fear’ is invariably accompanied by the observation that many other countries have ID<br />

cards. Overlooking the differences that exist between the NIR and the schemes operating in other<br />

countries, this is a double-edged argument. Many countries with ID card schemes have experienced<br />

problems arising from excessive or discriminatory use of police and immigration officials’ powers to<br />

demand identification from minority ethnic groups.<br />

In order to counteract concerns over arbitrary and discriminatory demands for identification, the<br />

IDCA contains safeguards to protect against forced production of a card. Section 13 (3) specifically<br />

excludes the making of regulations which would require a person to carry an ID card at all times.<br />

Meanwhile Section 16 (2) creates a bar on any requirement that a person be required to produce a<br />

card. The combination of these two protections would appear to ensure that people will not be<br />

required to produce ID cards to the police or immigration services.<br />

However, upon closer examination these safeguards are not as watertight as they originally appear.<br />

Section13 (3) might prevent regulations being passed requiring production. However, this only<br />

means that laws cannot be put into place expressly forcing people to produce cards. It does not<br />

prevent cards being used as a matter of course to establish identification. Section 16 might seem<br />

to provide some assistance as it does contain such a prohibition. However, there are a number of<br />

exemptions. In particular, Section 16 (3) removes the bar on production if a person is of a description<br />

of those who are subject to compulsory registration. It could be argued that what now constitutes<br />

compulsory registration might now be a moot point. For most of the Bill’s progress, it contained a<br />

power for the Secretary of State to force compulsion by naming particular groups. The plan seemed<br />

to envisage initial designation of asylum seekers or refugees, then those from outside the European<br />

Economic Area. This would be followed by those from the EEA, and finally British citizens on a rollout<br />

according to age 122 . However, this power was removed in order for the bill to receive Royal<br />

Assent. New legislation will be needed to force compulsion. What ‘compulsion’ means is debatable,<br />

as anyone who is required to register on the NIR when applying for their passport has no choice.<br />

They are effectively being compelled. In other words anyone registered this way might be considered<br />

‘compelled’ for the purposes of Section 16 (3).<br />

In any event it is clear the Government intends that everyone be eventually compelled to register.<br />

Designating passports will ensure that most people register but there will always be a few who do<br />

not have passports and who never will. The only way to ensure universal compulsion is by<br />

compelling registration.<br />

When legislation is introduced allowing compulsion, roll-out is likely to then take place according to<br />

age as originally planned. This means that eventually everyone will be ‘of a description of individuals<br />

subject to compulsory registration’ and will fall into the exemption provided by Section 16 (3). In<br />

other words, no-one will be able to rely on the prohibition not to produce cards.<br />

So does this mean that production of ID cards might be required as a matter of course The<br />

Government might maintain that this will not happen, but the application of standard policing<br />

powers suggests it might well.<br />

122<br />

There were some problems with this, in particular how Irish citizens would be treated, but this appeared to<br />

be the basic plan.

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