Overlooked - Liberty
Overlooked - Liberty
Overlooked - Liberty
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56 <strong>Overlooked</strong>: Surveillance and personal privacy in modern Britain<br />
available to anyone who wished to see them. This does not make us criminals. ‘Nothing to hide,<br />
nothing to fear’ is invariably accompanied by the observation that many other countries have ID<br />
cards. Overlooking the differences that exist between the NIR and the schemes operating in other<br />
countries, this is a double-edged argument. Many countries with ID card schemes have experienced<br />
problems arising from excessive or discriminatory use of police and immigration officials’ powers to<br />
demand identification from minority ethnic groups.<br />
In order to counteract concerns over arbitrary and discriminatory demands for identification, the<br />
IDCA contains safeguards to protect against forced production of a card. Section 13 (3) specifically<br />
excludes the making of regulations which would require a person to carry an ID card at all times.<br />
Meanwhile Section 16 (2) creates a bar on any requirement that a person be required to produce a<br />
card. The combination of these two protections would appear to ensure that people will not be<br />
required to produce ID cards to the police or immigration services.<br />
However, upon closer examination these safeguards are not as watertight as they originally appear.<br />
Section13 (3) might prevent regulations being passed requiring production. However, this only<br />
means that laws cannot be put into place expressly forcing people to produce cards. It does not<br />
prevent cards being used as a matter of course to establish identification. Section 16 might seem<br />
to provide some assistance as it does contain such a prohibition. However, there are a number of<br />
exemptions. In particular, Section 16 (3) removes the bar on production if a person is of a description<br />
of those who are subject to compulsory registration. It could be argued that what now constitutes<br />
compulsory registration might now be a moot point. For most of the Bill’s progress, it contained a<br />
power for the Secretary of State to force compulsion by naming particular groups. The plan seemed<br />
to envisage initial designation of asylum seekers or refugees, then those from outside the European<br />
Economic Area. This would be followed by those from the EEA, and finally British citizens on a rollout<br />
according to age 122 . However, this power was removed in order for the bill to receive Royal<br />
Assent. New legislation will be needed to force compulsion. What ‘compulsion’ means is debatable,<br />
as anyone who is required to register on the NIR when applying for their passport has no choice.<br />
They are effectively being compelled. In other words anyone registered this way might be considered<br />
‘compelled’ for the purposes of Section 16 (3).<br />
In any event it is clear the Government intends that everyone be eventually compelled to register.<br />
Designating passports will ensure that most people register but there will always be a few who do<br />
not have passports and who never will. The only way to ensure universal compulsion is by<br />
compelling registration.<br />
When legislation is introduced allowing compulsion, roll-out is likely to then take place according to<br />
age as originally planned. This means that eventually everyone will be ‘of a description of individuals<br />
subject to compulsory registration’ and will fall into the exemption provided by Section 16 (3). In<br />
other words, no-one will be able to rely on the prohibition not to produce cards.<br />
So does this mean that production of ID cards might be required as a matter of course The<br />
Government might maintain that this will not happen, but the application of standard policing<br />
powers suggests it might well.<br />
122<br />
There were some problems with this, in particular how Irish citizens would be treated, but this appeared to<br />
be the basic plan.