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CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION - Reduplication

CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION - Reduplication

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the word initial segment. This is illustrated as following by the author:<br />

#--> k --> æ --> t --> % = [k æ t k æ t]<br />

Figure 2. Raimy's loop representation of kætkæt (Raimy 2000: 1)<br />

Brief history of the research on reduplication<br />

The phoneme loop is followed by a linearization process, which takes place during the<br />

transfer of a phonological representation to the articulatory system. The result is a serial<br />

sequence of base and reduplicant.<br />

For serial based theories the examples of overapplication or underapplication where the<br />

reduplicant affects the phonological appearance of the base are the biggest problem (cf. for<br />

example McCarthy and Prince 1995: 41). In Raimy's model these cases do not cause<br />

problems, since in the loop representation the base has the same phonological environment as<br />

the reduplicant, which regularly triggers a phonological change (or not) in both units.<br />

Therefore Raimy rejects the necessity of concepts such as "overapplication" and<br />

"underapplication" being not necessary in a theory of reduplication. In his view, the<br />

phenomenon that is described by these terms is simply an effect of opacity, resulting from the<br />

linearization process of the loop (for details cf. Raimy 2000: 16-23).<br />

Raimy (2000) tries to find a solution to the problems which are not satisfactorily solved by<br />

other theories of reduplication. However, for this aim he has to interpret reduplication as a<br />

phonological readjustment rule, following a zero-affixation. There is no evidence which<br />

would justify the assumption of such a zero-affixation, but this is only a tool, introduced by<br />

Raimy, in order to be able to treat the morphological means of reduplication on a purely<br />

phonological level. As already mentioned, the purely phonological view on reduplication is<br />

the big weakness of all of the mentioned generative approaches. As an answer to this, Inkelas<br />

and Zoll (2005) have developed an alternative model which makes allowance for the<br />

morphological nature of reduplication.<br />

4.2.6 An alternative approach: The Morphological Doubling Theory (MDT)<br />

Inkelas and Zoll (2005) view reduplication as a purely morphological construction whose<br />

"daughters" are constrained to be morphosemantically identical. 24 The two daughters are both<br />

24 Inkelas and Zoll's "daughters" are usually labeled "reduplicant" and "base" in other theories. The "mother"<br />

18

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