23.03.2015 Views

2008 - 2009 - Pinsent Masons Water Yearbook 2012 - 2013

2008 - 2009 - Pinsent Masons Water Yearbook 2012 - 2013

2008 - 2009 - Pinsent Masons Water Yearbook 2012 - 2013

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

APPENDIX 2: PRIVATE SECTOR PARTICIPATION<br />

<strong>Water</strong> and power contracts compared<br />

<strong>Water</strong> is too often seen as power’s poor relative. It lacks the glamour of the major power contracts in<br />

terms of immediacy of delivery and the prospect of expensive new plant. Even so, its lower profile<br />

offers the prospect of more attractive returns.<br />

Power and water privatisation pros and cons compared:<br />

Service sector <strong>Water</strong> / Wastewater Power<br />

Political risk<br />

Politics<br />

High political risk<br />

‘God’s gift’ ought to be free<br />

Essential for life & health<br />

At the national level<br />

Essential for modern comforts<br />

A new resource needs to be paid for<br />

Rate of return High (15-25%)<br />

A few global and local players<br />

Lower degree of competition<br />

Size of project Small to medium<br />

(for first 5 years) USD50–400million capex<br />

Technology import Low part of overall cost<br />

Mainly local construction<br />

Medium (10-15%)<br />

Many global and regional players<br />

Highly competitive market<br />

Medium to large<br />

USD250–1,100million capex<br />

The main cost component<br />

Imported or via joint ventures<br />

It is interesting to note that some of the arguments against water, when compared with power, appeal<br />

to the sense of the irrational. These arguments are being eroded by the expediencies noted in the<br />

sections above. One of the more common arguments against private sector involvement in water and<br />

sewerage services against power (and telecommunications) is that the former are more ‘essential’ or<br />

‘basic’ than the latter, especially for poorer people. The manifest shortcomings of the status quo tend<br />

to be overlooked in such debates, along with the fact that water and sewerage programmes can<br />

largely be put into place with the judicious use of local manufacturing and technological capabilities.<br />

This is not to denigrate energy provision projects, but to highlight the importance of adequate water<br />

and sewerage services in economic development.<br />

The bad news (except for project arrangers) is that the amount of legal and preparatory work for a<br />

water/sewerage and a power project is broadly similar. It is tempting, given the disparity in size<br />

between these projects to stint on such work. It is to be hoped that the examples included in this<br />

publication will demonstrate the paramount importance of due diligence in both bid preparation and<br />

contract negotiation, while treating each contract on its own.<br />

The politics of PSP and service extension<br />

One of the most common political arguments against privatising water and sewerage services is that it<br />

will mean that water will be too costly for poorer people. In fact, pragmatic pricing policies based upon<br />

charging more per unit of water for households who use water for non-essential purposes has made<br />

private water provision both affordable and viable. Cross-subsidies and social provisioning lie at the<br />

core of service extension. Appropriate and safe water and sanitation services can be provided for 2-<br />

5% of household income. Questions about affordability and private sector involvement in developing<br />

economies tend to ignore the fact that under the current arrangements, it is the poorer people living in<br />

urban areas who have to pay over the odds to water vendors for supplies of distinctly dubious quality.<br />

People are willing to pay an economic price for water services if it comes with guarantees of quality<br />

and availability.<br />

Comparing the cost of water supplied from household connections and informal vendors<br />

USD per m 3 Household tap Public tap <strong>Water</strong> vendor<br />

Bandung, Indonesia 0.38 0.26 3.60<br />

Dhaka, Bangladesh N/A 0.08 0.84<br />

Kathmandu, Nepal 0.18 0.24 2.61<br />

Bombay (Mumbai), India 0.07 0.07 0.50<br />

Source: McIntosh, A & Yniguez, C. (1997)<br />

It is the absence of piped water that costs more both in financial and public health terms. Popular<br />

support exists for adequate supplies of water and improved public health at an affordable rate.<br />

Opposition is most visible amongst the better off households who oppose paying an economic price<br />

for piped water supplies for gardens, swimming pools and other non-essential household uses.<br />

Indeed, with the lack of metering or progressive tariff structures, they are subsidised by poorer<br />

428<br />

<strong>Pinsent</strong> <strong>Masons</strong> <strong>Water</strong> <strong>Yearbook</strong> <strong>2008</strong>-<strong>2009</strong>

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!