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1 Regulating Sex Work Adrienne D. Davis VERY ROUGH DRAFT ...

1 Regulating Sex Work Adrienne D. Davis VERY ROUGH DRAFT ...

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struggles against the devaluation of women’s work and gender exploitation within<br />

capitalism.” 52 Relatedly, others urge the term “sex worker” to call attention to the<br />

multiplicity of people—men, women, heterosexual, homosexual, transgender, etc.—who<br />

sell sex. 53 Thus some adopt the term sex worker to invoke identitarian or coalitional<br />

discourses and critiques. Overwhelmingly, though, those who urge the sex worker rubric<br />

do so to embrace a discourse of transactional sex as legitimate labor.<br />

Conceptualizing commodified sex as work is urged as one way to combat the very<br />

real ills experienced by many who transact sex—an alternative to both abolition and<br />

ongoing criminalization. This argument emphasizes that sex work should be regarded and<br />

regulated as no different from any other labor. For instance, the World Charter for<br />

Prostitutes’ Rights calls for the “decriminaliz[ation of] all aspects of adult prostitution”<br />

and the regulation of “third parties according to standard business codes.” 54 Indeed, the<br />

legalization movement is a self-proclaimed labor movement. The website for the Live<br />

Nude Girls Unite! documentary takes care to proclaim in its first sentence: “This site is<br />

about a labor film.” 55 Similarly, Monica Moukalif concludes that “the issues that affect<br />

sex work are essentially labor issues common to all marginalized workers.” 56 Proponents<br />

invoke other comparisons to conventional labor as well. “Both the factory worker and<br />

the prostitute survive hard physical labor by separating who they are from what they do.<br />

Just as the person on the assembly line in a factory separates his personality from his<br />

hands and feet and the part of the brain that makes them work, so the willing prostitute<br />

separates her personality from her sexual equipment.” 57 Hence, Moukalif and others give<br />

clear statements of the complete claim of commodified sex as labor.<br />

Yet, within the professional sex as labor camp there is a deep split that has gone<br />

largely unnoticed. Universally, the sex as labor camp urges decriminalization of<br />

professional sex, contending that [check this quote] “criminalization results in<br />

stigmatization, criminalization, and punishment.” 58 They observe that the long-standing<br />

52<br />

KEMPADOO, supra note [x], at 8. See also Tinsman, supra note [x], at [add pincite] (contending sex is<br />

primary way women are exploited in all forms of work).<br />

53<br />

McKinstry, supra note [x], at 683; [check Cabezas at 81].<br />

54<br />

World Charter for Prostitutes’ Rights; International Committee for Prostitutes’ Rights February 1985,<br />

Amsterdam, reprinted in 37 Social Text 183 [hereinafter World Charter fro Prostitutes’ Rights]. In fact,<br />

Sylvia Law concludes, “With startling consistency, the prostitutes' rights movement calls for the<br />

decriminalization of all aspects of prostitution.” Law, supra note [x], at 553 (footnote omitted).<br />

55<br />

[cite website].<br />

56<br />

Monica R. Moukalif, No Evil: Applying a Labor Lens to Prostitute Organizing, 20 HASTINGS WOMEN’S<br />

L.J. 253, 258 (2009).<br />

57<br />

Michael Conant, Federalism, the Mann Act, and the Imperative to Decriminalize Prostitution, 5<br />

CORNELL J.L. & PUB. POL’Y 99, 100 (noting differences between sex bargainers and other workers,<br />

including substance abuse and psychological effects) [keep that parenthetical?]; see also Nussbaum, supra<br />

note [x] (rehearsing arguments of how prostitution is similar to and different from other forms of labor).<br />

58<br />

[add check citation]. [decide whether here or in regulation description: Prabha Kotiswaran points out<br />

how criminal, prohibitory laws have become fetishized by both sides of the decriminalization debate.<br />

“While the normative status of sex work remains deeply contested, abolitionists and sex work advocates<br />

alike display an unwavering faith in the power of criminal law; for abolitionists, strictly enforced criminal<br />

laws can eliminate sex markets, whereas for sex work advocates, decriminalization can empower sex<br />

workers.” Kotiswaran, supra note [x], at 579. In sum, contra Foucault’s injunctions against juridical<br />

understandings of modern regulation, “Both camps thus view the criminal law as having a unidirectional<br />

repressive effect on the sex industry.” Kotiswaran, supra note [x], at 613. See also Nussbaum, supra note<br />

12

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