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1 Regulating Sex Work Adrienne D. Davis VERY ROUGH DRAFT ...

1 Regulating Sex Work Adrienne D. Davis VERY ROUGH DRAFT ...

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legality and labor in different sectors of the desire industry. One invocation of sex for<br />

hire as “just work” is, of course, to urge the decriminalization of sex markets, which at<br />

the most basic level would give sex workers the ability to enforce their contracts.<br />

Currently, not only customers, but also landlords, hotels, and other third parties can evade<br />

their obligations with sex workers because these contracts are illegal. 86 In addition,<br />

because their activities are criminalized, sex traders are under constant surveillance by<br />

the police, who not only arrest them, but also sexually and economically exploit them. 87<br />

(In this sense, many have contended that the police operate much like pimps, but with the<br />

shield and force of law. 88 ) Thus, the ability to work legally and enforce the basic terms<br />

of their contracts would ameliorate some of the fundamental vulnerability and<br />

exploitation sex bargainers experience. Made in this register, freedom of contract, the<br />

claim that sex for hire is “just work” seeks its legitimization, but in the language of the<br />

sexual libertarianism described in Section I. These invocations of sex as labor actually<br />

want to exceptionalize the sexual part, keeping it a “private” and unregulated activity,<br />

rather than a more conventional labor relation.<br />

While, as Section I noted, some invocations of the “just work” discourse are for<br />

libertarian aims, many seek full legalization and regulation of sex markets./But those who<br />

envision not just decriminalization but full legalization of sex markets anticipate a starkly<br />

different, even oppositional, end state. Their invocation of sex as “just like any other<br />

work” is really a recognition claim, that sex bargainers should be considered legitimate<br />

laborers with the protections of the “applicable legal standards relating to labor rights.” 89<br />

This Section explores this set of claims within the context of the relevant state and federal<br />

laws. It breaks Macklin’s “four D’s” down into their recognizable regulatory forms—dirt<br />

and danger, typically addressed by workplace health and safety regulations and workers’<br />

86 Sylvia Law observes:<br />

For some women, the laws against pimping represent a serious burden on personal family<br />

relations. When women who work in commercial sex have voice in the development of public<br />

policy they reject laws making it a crime to live “off the earnings of prostitution.” Many women<br />

work precisely to support their children, parents or friends. Other women who sell sex for money<br />

prefer to have a third person mediate the transaction. That mediation can be benevolently<br />

protective or exploitative. Laws against pimping do not distinguish among the worker;s child,<br />

mom, protective madam or an exploitative sex slaver. Anyone who derives financial benefit from<br />

a commercial sex worker is a criminal.<br />

Law, supra note [x], at 571 (footnote omitted). See also Kotiswaran, supra note [x]; [cite others].<br />

87 [Find the case where rape was charged when the police officers identify themselves as law enforcement<br />

after sexual services have been rendered. They thus consume the service, refuse to pay, and arrest the<br />

bargainer. Is this MacKinnon?] Chancer, supra note[x], at 156 (“Not infrequently, the rapist was a copy:<br />

as agents of social control, police know their actions in relationship to prostitutes are unlikely ever to be<br />

taken seriously, less likely still to be constructed as examples of ‘police brutality’ and punished.”) (footnote<br />

omitted); Leigh, supra note [x], at 69 (“Many women complain of vice officers fondling them or exposing<br />

themselves before arresting them.”); McClintock, supra note [x], at 4 (“Police . . . are on record almost<br />

everywhere for raping prostitutes in vans and precincts, demanding ‘freebies,’ humiliating, harassing, and<br />

hounding the most vulnerable women on the streets.”). Some call for explicit non-enforcement of state<br />

laws at the local level or for implicit deprioritizing. See, e.g., Law, supra note [x], at [pincite] (discussing<br />

San Francisco and New Jersey Task Forces as case studies of local reform); Leigh, supra note [x]<br />

(discussing San Francisco Task Force recommendations to suspend enforcement of state laws against<br />

prostitution and redirecting resources to services for sex workers and enforcing nuisance laws).<br />

88 [add citations]<br />

89 [is this a Macklin quote?].<br />

18

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