SPECIAL REPORTCHINANumber of skyscapers*72Total, <strong>2014</strong>Pre-2000Completed2000-14NATIONAL AVERAGE35.646.9HEBEIHEILONGJIANG17.5JILIN43X I N J I A N GINNERLIAONINGGANSUBeijingBEIJINGMONGOLIADalianSHANXITianjinnTIANJINQINGHAININGXIAIASHANDONGT I B E TZhengzhouChinaUnited StatesHENANJIANGSUSHAANXIANHUIShanghaihaiNominal GDP at current exchange rates, $trnSICHUANSHANGHAI50HUBEIChengduNingboFORECASTZHEJIANGCHONGQINGGJIANGXI40ChinaGDP per person, 2012, $’000HUNANFUJIAN301-44-77-10YUNNANGUIZHOU10-13 13-16KunmingGUANGXIXiamen20 NATIONAL AVERAGE = 6.1GUANGDONG †ZhongshanUnited StatesIndiaPopulation, 2012, %Hong10MacauRural,RegisteredMaomingKongliving whereurbanJapanregistered*<strong>25</strong>0+ metres tall0Urban, with rural status ‡HAINAN† Guangdong data exclude<strong>19</strong>90 95 2000 05 10 15 20 <strong>25</strong> 30Hong Kong and MacauSources: Council on Tall Buildings and Urban Habitat; <strong>Economist</strong> Intelligence Unit; Haver Analytics; <strong>The</strong> <strong>Economist</strong> estimates‡ Registered as rural, living elsewhere2edness of their middle-class residents. <strong>The</strong> largely rural countrythat Deng Xiaoping (himself of peasant stock) set out to “reformand open up” in the late <strong>19</strong>70s had become overwhelmingly urbanin its economic and political focus. Thanks mainly to a tideofmigration, China’s urban population had grown by more than500m since Deng launched his reforms: the equivalent of all thepeople in the United States plus three Britains.Li Keqiang, who took over as prime minister in 2013, seesfurther urbanisation as critical to China’s economic success. Hehas called it a “gigantic engine” for growth. Mr Li and other officialsare fond of quoting Joseph Stiglitz, a Nobel prize-winningAmerican economist, who said that technological innovation inAmerica and urbanisation in China would be “two keys” tomankind’s development in the 21st century.A new grand plan for China’s cities, overseen by the primeminister and published last month, admits to a number of problems,such as worsening pollution, urban sprawl and congestionas well as growingsocial tensions. It also points out that China’surbanisation lags behind that of other countries at similarlevels of development (typically around 60%), and that there remains“quite a lot ofroom” for further urban growth.Getting cities right will help China to keep growing fast foryears to come. Getting them wrong would be disastrous, bringingworsening inequality (which the World Bank says has approached“Latin American levels”, although Chinese officials insistit has recently been improving), the spread of slums, theacceleration ofglobal climate change (citiesconsume three-quartersof China’s energy, which comes mainly from coal) and increasingsocial unrest.After more than a decade of spectacular growth in China,much of it in double digits, doubts are setting in both at homeand abroad about the sustainability of the “Chinese model”.Growth is slowing. Lavish spending by local governments haspiled up huge debts. Increasing numbers of middle-class Chineseare looking for boltholes abroad for themselves, their familiesand their assets. Scandals involving senior officials have revealedcorruption on a gargantuan scale. Censors generallysucceed in preventing anti-party messages from spreading widely,but microbloggers with thousands of followers still boldly relaydamning critiques.MrXi describesthe country’sproblemsand hisapproach tosolvingthem in colourful terms. Reforms, he says, have entered a“deep-water area”. China must “venture along dangerous pathsto breakthrough barriers to reform”. In tackling corruption it willneed the resolve of a man who must “cut off his own snake-bittenhand to save his life”. At a plenum of the Central Committeein November the party declared that market forces must play a“decisive role”, the strongest support it has ever expressed for themarket. This seems all the more stirring after years of vacillationunder Mr Xi’s predecessor, Hu Jintao, who retreated from reformin the face ofpowerful resistance by vested interests, above all localgovernments, huge state-owned enterprises and, ironically,the new middle class, which would rather not share the fruits ofgrowth with rural migrants.Why cities matterAll the most important reforms that Mr Xi needs to tackleinvolve the movement to China’s cities. He must give farmers thesame property rights as urban residents so they can sell theirhomes (which is currently all but impossible) and leave the landwith cash in hand. He must sort out the mess of local-governmentfinances, which depend heavily on grabbing land fromfarmers and selling it to developers. He must loosen the grip ofstate-owned enterprises on the commanding heights of theeconomy and make them hand over more of their profits to thegovernment. He must move faster to clean up the urban environment,especially its noxious air, and prevent the growth of China’scities from exacerbating climate change. And he must start14 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Economist</strong> <strong>April</strong> <strong>19</strong>th <strong>2014</strong>
SPECIAL REPORTCHINA2giving urban residents a say in how their cities are run.This list is both daunting and urgent. <strong>The</strong> recent growth ofChina’s cities has created two new social forces whose concernsMr Xi cannot afford to ignore. One is a vast migrant population(including the urban-born children of recent migrants from thecountryside) that now makes up more than one-third of the urbantotal of 730m. It is far harder for a member of this group togain official recognition as a city-dweller in his own country,with all the welfare benefits and access to public services thatstatus confers, than to gain citizenship in America or Europe ifhewere to migrate there. <strong>The</strong> harsh treatment of China’s internalmigrants is creating huge social divisions that could erupt in seriousunrest.<strong>The</strong> other new force is the urban middle class, now thoughtto be roughly the same size as the migrant population, whichnumbers around 260m. It has been kept reasonably content bythe rapid growth ofthe past few years, but that may not last. China’smiddle classes, like those elsewhere, worry about property:how to protect it from the whims ofurban planners and party officials,what is happening to prices, and what to do if the bubblebursts. Increasingly unaffordable house prices, or conversely asteep drop, might prompt different ends ofthe middle-class spectrumto protest. So too might the party’s many sins and blunders:a food-safety scandal, perhaps, linked to official corruption.Like his predecessors, Mr Xi is nipping signs ofunrest in thebud. Dissidents who have done little more than briefly raise protestbanners in tiny groups are beingthrown into jail. But there arealso some positive signs. He has taken charge of a new party organ,a small group of officials with a wide range of portfolios,who are working to improve policy co-ordination and overcomebureaucratic resistance to change. It even has a taskforce dedicatedto building “democracy and the legal system”, although thatmay not get very far. Mr Xi has also launched a fierce campaignagainst high-level corruption which, though unlikely to offer alasting cure to the endemic problem of graft, could scare officialsinto compliance with his reform plans.A dwindling labour supplyAs economic growth slows and the pool of surplus labourin the countryside shrinks, the speed ofurbanisation will diminish.For the past few years about 9m people have been movinginto cities every year. <strong>The</strong> number will fall to 7m in the secondhalfofthis decade and 5m in the 2020s, according to Jin Sanlin ofthe Development Research Centre, a government think-tank. By2017, he writes, that supply of surplus labour in the countrysidewill have all but disappeared.Chinese officials note that the speed ofurbanisation in Chinahas been far faster than in Western countries during their industrialtransformations. It took China only 30 years to climbfrom 20% urbanisation to today’s 54%. In Britain the equivalentjourney took100 years and in America 60. However, in more recenttimes population growth in urban China has been slowerthan in countries such as South Korea and Indonesia during theirperiod of rapid economic development, mainly because of China’sdiscriminatory policies against migrants and its state monopolyon rural-land sales.By any measure, the country’s urbanisation has been impressive.Shanghai is about to finish a 121-storey Americandesignedskyscraper that will be the word’s second-tallest building(after Dubai’s Burj Khalifa). Whole new urban districts,underground railways, modern airports and intercity expresswayshave been built on a scale and at a pace most countrieswould be proud of. But China has failed to reap the full benefitsofcity growth. This is becoming a pressing problem in the face ofdiminishing returns from pouring ever more concrete. 7Spreading the wealthA billion shoppersChinese consumers are spending plenty, but theycould do even betterDENG HONG’S AMBITION, according to a Chinese newspaper,was to build a city inside a single building; a “temperature-controlledparadise”. Last September his dream edifice,the New Century Global Centre, formally opened in the southwesterncity of Chengdu (see picture, next page). China’s officialmedia call it the world’s largest building. Its centrepiece is a shoppingmall of such arresting dimensions that many visitors pauseon arrival to take souvenir photographs. It boasts a 300-metre indoorbeach, a skating rink and an IMAX cinema. <strong>The</strong> Chinese oftensay that theirs is a country of too many people and too littleland. <strong>The</strong> cavernous Global Centre building begs to differ.Mr Deng did not attend the launch ceremony. He was incustody, suspected ofbeinginvolved in a corruption scandal thathas also ensnared a former mayor of Chengdu, who in turn maybe linked to an even biggercase linked to a formermember ofthePolitburo Standing Committee, Zhou Yongkang. Mr Deng’s troublesare an uncomfortable reminder of the perils of hubris. Massivebuildings help to boost local officials’ egos and brand theircities. According to the Council on Tall Buildings and Urban Habitat,an American industry association, China has about 200 skyscrapersover <strong>25</strong>0 metres tall, four times as many as America.Close to Mr Deng’s building is an office complex reminiscent ofBeijing’s “bird’s nest” stadium that cost1.2 billion yuan ($175m) tobuild. It was supposed to become the city government’s headquarters,but after a public outcry over its extravagance its leadersdecided to move to more modest buildings nearby.<strong>The</strong> Global Centre, though, is also a monument to an increasinglyessential ingredient of China’s economic development:consumption on a scale that helps to lessen the country’sdependence on infrastructure investment as an engine ofgrowth. China’s leaders want citizens to save less and spendmore. Mr Deng’s brainchild is a proud declaration by a local governmentfar inland that it wants a consumer culture like that inmegacities such as Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou and Shenzhen.<strong>The</strong> capital’s most iconic new structures are stadiums, officebuildings and a colossal egg-shaped centre for the performingarts. Chengdu’s is a jaw-dropping shopping experience.Cultivating a consumer cultureChina’s GDP growth, contribution by source, percentage pointsConsumption Investment Net exports Total (% increaseon a year earlier)152000 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13Source: CEIC105+0–511<strong>The</strong> <strong>Economist</strong> <strong>April</strong> <strong>19</strong>th <strong>2014</strong> 5