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SUMMARYready for enlargement. To meet its WTO and budgetary commitments as well as toavoid <strong>the</strong> absurdity <strong>of</strong> introducing milk quotas in Central Europe, it must engagein a new CAP reform by 2002–2003. Secondly, <strong>the</strong> EU budget system, already quiteirrational on <strong>the</strong> expenditure side, has been burdened even fur<strong>the</strong>r by a ‘rebate on<strong>the</strong> rebate’ system, without removing <strong>the</strong> underlying reasons for <strong>the</strong> arbitrariness<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> net paying positions.This study provides two scenarios for 2010 assuming <strong>the</strong> five Central Europeanfirst wave countries are ‘in’ and excluding <strong>the</strong> Cohesion Fund (since <strong>the</strong> post-2006developments <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> budget, etc. are not known, <strong>the</strong> authors adopt plausibleassumptions, see Annexes). These exercises show that – all o<strong>the</strong>r things equal –<strong>the</strong> net transfers for <strong>the</strong> five new Member States (assuming four per cent growththroughout, on average two per cent faster than <strong>the</strong> EU-15) should be expected tobe some ten billion Euro higher than <strong>the</strong> net transfers in 2006 (with <strong>the</strong> ‘five’ also‘in’). This amounts to some 26–27 billion Euro, with an annual transfer <strong>of</strong> someeighteen billion from <strong>the</strong> Structural Funds. The central political issue here concerns<strong>the</strong> ‘cohesion’ countries Portugal, Greece and Spain, assuming that Ireland isno <strong>long</strong>er eligible. Because <strong>the</strong> EU’s average income will fall, Spain may largely orentirely loose its net beneficiary position, which will come as a shock. Even with(calculated) adjustments, for example by adjusting <strong>the</strong> income criterion for eligibility<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Structural Funds, Spain might see its net beneficiary position tumblewith one or two thirds. Thus, if <strong>the</strong> EU -15 fails to understand that a CAP reform isindispensable in <strong>the</strong> next two years or so, and if <strong>the</strong> major shifts in net-payingpositions after 2006 will not be considered politically acceptable, <strong>the</strong> enlargementprocess will prompt several severe political crises. The Union cannot afford <strong>the</strong>se,as <strong>the</strong> 1980–1984 period has taught. For <strong>the</strong> EU to be ready for enlargement, politicalleaders should <strong>the</strong>refore address <strong>the</strong> CAP and transfers issues urgently, allowingaccession to be smooth and beneficial to all.13The study ends with a brief exposition on <strong>the</strong> rationale <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> transfers to <strong>the</strong> newMember States. This rationale is problematic in <strong>the</strong> CAP context, although <strong>the</strong>detailed justification (or <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>the</strong>re<strong>of</strong>) will depend on <strong>the</strong> emerging agriculturalacquis after enlargement. In <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Structural Funds, <strong>the</strong> needs for infrastructureand specific environmental investments are huge. However, <strong>the</strong> crucialissue will be, firstly, whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> new Member States can design and executeprojects and <strong>long</strong>-<strong>run</strong> programmes in good sequencing and with maximum positiveexternalities, and, secondly, whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y can increase <strong>the</strong>ir absorptioncapacity over time.

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