hitler

117Bavaria, which had mothered Hitlerism, turned againsther infant. While fulminating against the Jewish Berlin,she suppressed over-intransigent nationalism so that the prospectivetourist trade should not be damaged. The BavarianAlps were open to business and Bayreuth expected its tributeof gold. Munich was full of visitors with horn-rimmedglasses, ejaculating pious “ohs” before the pictures which thestars in the guide-book indicated were famous.If Bavaria was ungrateful there was one more reasonwhy a real Teutonic land should trumpet forth the eternaltruth about the blond man‟s right to the site of Paradise. Upin Mecklenburg, Herr Albrecht von Graefe, Hussar by professionand gentleman farmer by necessity, was busily weavingthe threads of intrigue. In this real German land, Lutheranto the core and not Papist like Bavaria, his “DeutschvoelkischeFreiheitspartei,” German Racial Liberty Party,throve. Until the storm would spend itself and the GermanNational Labour Party of Adolf Hitler could work in theopen, it was politic to have the Freiheitspartei serve as thecloak of illegal machinations. Herr Graefe rubbed his handswith glee when the merger took place and emerged the“Deutschvoelkische Freiheitsbewegung,” the racial libertymovement, of which he hoped to be the private god. Adiplomat in the skin of a fat peasant, Gregor Strasser, chemistand demagogue, was Hitler‟s officier-de-haison with Herrvon Graefe. If it had not been for Strasser‟s loyalty Hitlerwould have found he was a stranger among his party friendsupon leaving the prison. But Gregor Strasser was not theman to generate enthusiasm for himself. He was too well