Where Now for European Social Democracy? - Policy Network

More documents

Recommendations

Info

ROGER LIDDLE 63make it an effective delivery vehicle for promoting greateropportunity. Paying out benefits is a relatively uncomplicatedbureaucratic function; devising personal plans for the individual longtermunemployed, that will assist their labour-market integration, ismuch more complex and requires some localisation of decision-makingto reflect differing local circumstances. Similarly, among the non-Nordic members of the EU15 who have no tradition of comprehensivechildcare, establishing coherence out of the present patchwork ofprovision is a huge challenge for Welfare State modernisation.Fifth, Lisbon’s central focus on the target of ‘more and better’ jobsis a unifying challenge for social democrats throughout the Union. Thisis of far more concern to our supporters than Constitutions or IGCs(important though rapid agreement on them is). The recent reportfrom the Employment Taskforce 8 under the distinguished chairmanshipof Wim Kok sets a comprehensive and challenging agenda of labourmarket reform.It is, of course, nonsense to say any job is better than no job:otherwise, we would still employ children as chimney sweeps. But, aslong as a decent minimum of social and employment standards is inplace, a low-paid job is better than no job. Low pay need not meanpoverty. Tax and benefits systems can be reformed to ensure the lowpaid are not trapped in poverty, through the type of tax credits thatGordon Brown has pioneered in the UK. Tax credits are not simplya smart policy innovation. They are a key ideological tool forsocial democrats if, as many believe, the economic returns to differenttypes of labour are becoming more divergent, and therefore incomeinequalities are likely to increase, as advanced economies movebeyond the mass production stage.Work is the foundation of opportunity. For many long-termunemployed, any job is a first step in re-integration to the labourmarket. The responsibility of social democrats is not to make the initialcost to the employer of providing that fresh opportunity prohibitivelyhigh through excess regulation. Rather we should ensure there aremore rungs in place on the ladder up which the newly reintegratedworker could potentially climb. But this requires giving real policysubstance to the mantra of ‘lifelong learning’ from which we are still
64WHERE NOW FOR EUROPEAN SOCIAL DEMOCRACY?some way away.Even in countries with recent strong employment performance likethe UK, there is no room for complacency. The New Deal has been abrilliant success in tackling long-term unemployment among youngpeople and relatively so amongst lone parents. However, theGovernment’s Strategic Audit 9 laid bare uncomfortable facts about theextent of inactivity in the UK labour force, especially among the over55s. The outlook for the unskilled, particularly in the less buoyantregions, is bleak; and far too many people in the workforce lack themost basic of skills. High levels of inactivity combined with a deficit ofskills is a huge part of the progressive deficit in the UK that Labour hasstill to address.Why the European dimension of economic reform ‘adds value’However, this particular UK illustration exposes a presentationalproblem for Lisbon. The themes that this paper has highlighted wouldcome across to many Labour MPs as essentially national challenges inwhich the role of the European Union is, at best, peripheral. I fear thatto their German counterparts, the EU might come across not just asperipheral, but as part of a more general problem of unwanted topdown interference. If much of the Lisbon agenda is about nationalpolicy implementation, why not leave member states to get on withmanaging the political challenges of domestic reform, without any fussfrom Brussels? Why bring Europe into the equation at all?The best reason is that the European dimension adds unique value– both in economics and politics. Market-opening measures, thatdeepen economic integration within the Single Market, improve growthpotential all round. This market-opening thrust is only one dimensionof the Lisbon package, but it is a crucial dimension, and one that canonly be delivered at European level. A vigorous combination of newdirectives to free up markets, better enforcement, a strongercompetition policy to promote new entry, co-ordinated regulation ofnetwork industries and more open trade would be a potent mix toenhance long term growth potential.Simply because this agenda is sold as ‘good for business’,
Page 2 and 3:
Where Now forEuropeanSocial Democra
Page 4 and 5:
Published in 2004 by Policy Network
Page 6 and 7:
AcknowledgementsThis collection of
Page 8 and 9:
Notes on the ContributorsTony Blair
Page 10:
PrefaceTONY BLAIRI welcome this pub
Page 13:
6WHERE NOW FOR EUROPEAN SOCIAL DEMO
Page 18:
What is a just society?For a radica
Page 21 and 22: 14WHERE NOW FOR EUROPEAN SOCIAL DEM
Page 48: GrowthandProsperity
Page 56 and 57: Growth Policies for Europe:Is there
Page 58 and 59: JEAN PISANI-FERRY 51and full employ
Page 60 and 61: JEAN PISANI-FERRY 53diminished as c
Page 62: JEAN PISANI-FERRY 55macroeconomic f
Page 69: 62WHERE NOW FOR EUROPEAN SOCIAL DEM
Page 80: The NewPolitics ofInsecurity
Page 92 and 93: Freedom in Security:A Social Democr
Page 94 and 95: BRIGITTE ZYPRIES 87that these recom
Page 96 and 97: BRIGITTE ZYPRIES 89appropriate case
Page 98: BRIGITTE ZYPRIES 91dispute regardin
Page 107 and 108: 100WHERE NOW FOR EUROPEAN SOCIAL DE
Page 109: 102WHERE NOW FOR EUROPEAN SOCIAL DE
show all

Where Now for European Social Democracy? - Policy Network

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

Delete template?

Save as template?