10. Education and theeconomyEwart KeepIntroductionThis chapter aims to identify the root causesof our problems with the relationship betweeneducation and the economy and labour market. Itdoes not seek to provide a detailed blueprint forfuture policies in this area, but instead tries to laydown some basic ground rules for formulatingsuch policies.The nature of the problemThis paper starts with a paradox – one that hasdogged policy towards education, learning andskills in England for at least the last quarter of acentury (perhaps longer) and which has underminedmany policy ambitions in this field. It isthe paradox of simultaneous over and underambitionabout what education (in its broadestsense) might best be provided with publicsupport, and what social and economic problemsit might be expected to address.This problem was at its most intense underNew Labour, whose political project was riven bya massive tension between pessimism about whatwas ideologically and practically possible andpermissible in the broader social and economicspheres and the very high levels of ambitionthat were loaded onto one area – educationand training – as the key vehicle for deliveringprogressive social and economic outcomes. Asthe author has argued elsewhere, 1 educationand training came to provide a form of magic,get-out-of-jail-free card for politicians, wherebygovernments could achieve intervention-freeintervention in the economy (boosting the supplyof skills, but not intervening in the product orlabour market) as well as loser-free redistributionfor individuals, whereby everyone could becomebetter educated and therefore obtain access tobetter jobs.Over-ambitionThe over-ambition has been the expectation thatthere is an almost endless list of policy problems,most of them complex, messy and often of longstanding(for example, low levels of inter-generationalsocial mobility, and low waged employment)that the education and training systemcould be expected to address. Issues which haveroots in our class structure, the organisation andregulation (or the lack thereof) of our labourmarket, and the division of income and wealththat the economy and labour market dictate haveall been heaped at the door of publicly fundededucators and trainers. This has left schools,colleges and universities to try to do what BasilBernstein long ago warned was impossible: tocompensate for the failings of wider society.The biggest ghost at the policy feast has beenthe nature of the relationship between educationand the labour market. Put simply, policy-makers,and on occasion educationalists too, have chosento believe that changes in education can act as asubstitute for structural change and reform in thelabour market. Many of the goals that educationhas been set – higher levels of social mobility,better jobs for young people, gender and otherforms of equality, reducing in-work poverty –are not solvable by education alone, particularlywhere the supply of jobs, and therein the supplyof good jobs, is limited and finite and where alleducation can do is alter an individual’s place inthe job queue and in zero-sum game positionalcompetition for what is on offer from employers.The actual policy goals in all these areas are onlyrealised inside the labour market and, in manyinstances, the underlying causes of the problemalso reside there.Let us take one example: our abiding record ofrelatively low levels of post-compulsory participation,which is ceaselessly blamed on inadequaciesof teaching, school and college organisation,and curriculum and assessment regimes. AsFrancis Green has noted, in reality much of theproblem lies with the lack of demand (and thelack of incentives to learn that this creates) for abetter-educated workforce by UK employers:Unfortunately, Britain has long been caught in alow-qualification trap, which means that Britishemployers tend to be less likely than in most1 See Ewart Keep and KenMayhew, ‘Moving beyond skills asa social and economic panacea?’,Work, Employment and Society,24(3), 2010, pp.565–77; and EwartKeep, ‘The English skills policynarrative’, in Ann Hodgson, KenSpours and Martyn Waring (eds),Post-Compulsory Education andLifelong Learning across the UnitedKingdom: Policy, Organisation andGovernance, Institute of Education,2011, pp.18–38.Education for the good society | 49
other countries to require their recruits to beeducated beyond the compulsory school leavingage. Among European countries, only in Spain,Portugal and Turkey is there a greater proportionof jobs requiring no education beyond compulsoryschool. There is some way to go beforeBritish employers place similar demands onthe education system as are placed in the majorcompeting regions in Europe. 2Education policy cannot directly address thisissue, but labour market and employment policycan, for example through the imposition of awidespread requirement for licence to practice.This is not to say that education does not havea part to play in the solution of some of theseproblems, but the expectation that on its own oras prime mover it can be tasked with dealing withstructurally embedded failings over the causes ofwhich it has no direct influence whatsoever isa recipe for setting educational institutions andtheir staff up to fail, while leaving the originalpolicy problem unresolved.Under-ambitionoriented or gifted. The end result has been asteady drift away from any notion of a liberal orexpansive education (however conceived) andits substitution by low-level, narrowly focusedworkforce training. What has been deemedacceptable fare for the lower end of the abilityrange, occupational ladder and socio-economicstrata has been the very thin gruel offered by animpoverished version of vocationalism.Lord Adonis, writing on the 30th anniversaryof Callaghan’s ‘Great Debate’ speech at RuskinCollege, gave the following somewhat disingenuoustake on progress:At Ruskin, Callaghan made school improvementnot simply a national issue but, more particularly,a Labour and working class priority... he pouredscorn on the idea that working class educationwas about ‘fitting a so-called inferior group ofchildren with just enough learning to earn theirliving in the factory’. Instead, first-rate schoolingshould be the birthright of ‘the whole labourmovement’. Three decades later, educationalexcellence for ‘the whole labour movement’ –in its broadest sense – is at last Labour’s coremission. 32 Francis Green, Job Quality inBritain, UKCES Praxis Paper 1, UKCommission for Employment andSkills, 2009.3 Andrew Adonis, ‘30 years on,Callaghan’s words resonate’,Education Guardian, 17 October2006, p.3.4 See evidence for this argumentfrom Andy Green, ‘Core skills,key skills and general culture:in search of a common foundationfor vocational education’,Evaluation and Research inEducation, 12(1), pp.23–53, 1998;and Michaela Brockmann, LindaClarke and Chris Winch (eds),Bricklaying Is More than FlemishBond: Bricklaying Qualifications inEurope, European Institute forConstruction Labour Research,2010.When it comes to under-ambition, the problemhas been more insidious, but every bit as serious.Here the difficulty has been on two levels. First, abelief at the core of both the Thatcher–Major andNew Labour projects, that reform of the economyor the labour market (except for further liberalisation)was either impossible or undesirable (orboth) and that therefore education and trainingwas one of the only ways that government couldbe seen to be doing anything about problemswith competitiveness and employment and therewards it generates. As a result, education andtraining providers were left trying to deliveroutcomes that would in some way sidestep orcounterbalance and compensate for wider andlarger forces and incentives within the structureof the labour market and the economy.At a second level, problems have sprung fromthe unwillingness of policy-makers to understandthe deep pessimism and narrow utilitarianismthat is now an integral part of their basic assumptionswhen thinking about what can be offered byway of initial and continuing education, particularlyto those who are not seen as academicallyIn reality, much of what continues to be on offerhas little in mind beyond ‘fitting a so-calledinferior group of children with just enoughlearning to earn their living in the factory’, thoughthis objective now tends to be labelled ‘employability’and the work is now more often stackingsupermarket shelves. Thus the UK continuesto be distinguished by having vocational qualificationsthat offer no substantive broad-basedelement of general education (on which returnto learning and subsequent progression couldbe based). 4 For example, National VocationalQualifications were designed to provide onlythose narrow, job-specific competences thatwould indeed fit those unlucky enough to beoffered them with just enough learning to beable to perform the bundle of tasks that madeup a particular job at a particular moment intime. The retreat from lifelong learning and itssubstitution by workforce training, via initiativessuch as ‘Train to Gain’, is another reflection ofthe highly utilitarian strand of thinking that cameto dominate New Labour thinking on what adultlearning might be for and about.50 | www.compassonline.org.uk
- Page 1 and 2: Educationfor theGoodSocietyThe valu
- Page 3 and 4: Acknowledgements:Compass would like
- Page 5 and 6: ContributorsLisa Nandy is Labour MP
- Page 7 and 8: IntroductionEducation for the Good
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- Page 17 and 18: 10 J. Martin, Making Socialists: Ma
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- Page 21 and 22: 1 In 2008, 15 per cent ofacademies
- Page 23 and 24: 1 Angela McRobbie, The Aftermathof
- Page 25 and 26: 8 Christine Skelton, Schooling theB
- Page 27 and 28: 1 See www.education.gov.uk/b0065507
- Page 29 and 30: 13 Barbara Fredrickson, ‘Therole
- Page 31 and 32: 6. Education forsustainabilityTeres
- Page 33 and 34: well as cognitively. Real understan
- Page 35 and 36: 7. Schools fordemocracyMichael Fiel
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- Page 39 and 40: 8 Wilfred Carr and AnthonyHartnett,
- Page 41 and 42: 1 Winston Churchill, quoted inNIACE
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- Page 55 and 56: 2 Adrian Elliott, State SchoolsSinc
- Page 57 and 58: 4 Peter Hyman, ‘Fear on the front
- Page 59 and 60: 12. Rethinking thecomprehensive ide
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- Page 64: About CompassCompass is the democra