21st Century MuckrakersWatchdogging Public Corruption: A NewspaperUnearths Patterns of Costly Abuse‘These are tumultuous and frightening times for newspapers, but this kind ofreporting is what we do best.’BY SANDRA PEDDIEWhen a private attorney askedthe school board of a smalldistrict on Long Island, NewYork, to put him on the payroll so hecould get a pension and benefits, boardmembers approved it without givingit a second thought. He assured themit was perfectly legal and that otherpeople were doing it. “It wasn’t a bigdeal,” recalled former board memberLorraine Deller.Little did these school boardmembers realize that in making thatseemingly innocuous decision in 1978,they set the stage for a scandal thatwould explode 30 years later on thefront page of Long Island’s majornewspaper, Newsday. In fact, thediscovery of what had become a routinepractice that bilked taxpayers ofmillions of dollars set off a cascade ofinvestigative stories, federal and stateinquiries, landmark pension reform inthe legislature, and the return of morethan $3.4 million to state coffers, alongwith tens of millions more in savingsto taxpayers once these illegal pensionswere stopped.The unearthing of these hiddendeals—and the financial consequencesthey held for taxpayers—was a storyvery well suited to a newspaper. Withina year from when our reporting began,Newsday had published nearly 100stories, columns and editorials aboutaspects of what, by then, had become alarge and costly network of stakeholdersprofiting from this arrangement.The kind of sustained commitmentNewsday made to telling this storyis rarely found in broadcast mediaor on the Web, and unfortunately it’sbecoming scarcer, too, at many newspapersas resources for investigativecoverage shrink.As this story built, outraged readersbecame engaged by contributing to it;their tips helped to drive the narrative.As momentum built, news of whatwe’d uncovered spread throughout thestate of New York and to other partsof the country. It was an exciting andexhausting ride and a reminder toNewsday’s story on Lawrence Reich.those of us involved that newspapersoccupy a singular niche in Americanjournalism.Uncovering PublicCorruptionThe trailhead of our reporting effortwas marked—as many great investigativestories are—by a tip. A reader wasangered by stories I’d written aboutspending abuses in special districts,the tiny units of local governance thathandle services like water hookups andgarbage pickups in specific areas. Suchdistricts can be found throughout thecountry, but they are often overlookedby reporters because they are so small.Though small, the magnitude of theabuse was great. That is precisely whythey made such a good subject forinvestigation. Such special districtscost taxpayers nearly $500 million ayear on Long Island alone.Figuring all of this out, however,was not easy. Investigative reportingnever is. It took months, for example,to get district payrolls, because no onehad ever asked for them before. Oncein hand, they showed wildly inflatedsalaries and benefits for jobs often heldby a tight circle of political insiders. Inone district, a meter reader was beingpaid $93,000. In another, two ditchdiggersmade more than $100,000a year. On top of those salaries weregold-plated health benefits, the kindrarely provided to workers in theprivate sector.The reader who’d called with thetip said a private attorney, who waspaid as a consultant, was placed ona school district payroll so that hecould secure a guaranteed pension andhealth benefits. Public records showedthe tip was right but even worse thanhe thought. Through my Freedom ofInformation Act requests for recordsfrom the state, county and school districtsthat employed him, I obtaineda wide range of information—fromthe attorney’s pension history to histime sheets. These documents filled anentire file drawer. Getting the recordsfrom school board officials, who wereloath to release them, took time andrequired frequent follow-up phone calls74 <strong>Nieman</strong> Reports | Summer 2009
Public Health, Safety and Trustand, in some cases, formal appealswhen requests were denied.Within weeks of gaining all of theserecords, the full story emerged. Fiveschool districts—at the same time—had falsely reported that the attorney,Lawrence Reich, was a full-timeemployee, while also paying his lawfirm $2.5 million in legal fees. As aresult, Reich retired with a pensionof nearly $62,000 and free healthbenefits for life. Then he returned towork for the districts as a consultant.The abuse was so flagrant that he wascredited with working 1,286 days ina single year, according to records.What upset our readers the mostwas that state auditors knew aboutthe arrangement—which is barred bythe Internal Revenue Service—yet didnothing to stop it.Reich agreed to be interviewed anddefended the arrangement as commonpractice, but he did not agree to bephotographed. So we assigned one ofour photographers to watch his homeand office; eventually we got a shot ofhim in his office parking lot. He wasn’taware that he had been photographeduntil his picture ran on the cover ofNewsday with the headline, “Who arethey kidding?”Readers Respond,Legislators, TooNewsday’s front-page story set off afirestorm. Readers were furious. TheFBI and IRS subpoenaed the schooldistricts’ records the next day, andNew York Attorney General AndrewCuomo launched a parallel investigationdays later.My colleague, Eden Laikin, thenjoined me. Often we worked eveningsand on weekends. Our challenge wasto break new ground with each investigativepiece as we kept up withfast-breaking news developments.The story built its own momentum,which helped ratchet up pressure onofficials, who were feeling the heatfrom constituents.Shortly after Eden began workingwith me, many of our newsroom colleagues,including a longtime editorwho had helped shepherd the Reichstory into print, left. Economic pressureshad forced Newsday to makepainful cuts in staff and news hole.Fortunately for us, however, Newsdayremained committed to the story.Within weeks, it became clearthat Reich’s arrangement was not anisolated one. Records showed that 23school districts—or nearly one-fifth ofthose on Long Island—had improperlyreported their attorneys as employees,entitling them to good-sized benefitpackages. This prompted New YorkOne of Newsday’s “double dippers.”Comptroller Thomas DiNapoli tolaunch a review of every attorney ona public payroll statewide. Meanwhile,Cuomo’s investigators were expandingtheir probe statewide—netting, amongothers, the brother and sister-in-lawof a top state judge.All of this investigative action bypublic officials meant that we had tomove fast simply to not be beaten onwhat had been our story. The pacewas daunting. We requested morerecords, including vendor records andpayments to all professionals employedby 124 school districts and 96 villages,meeting minutes, Civil Service records,and pension databases from the state’stwo largest retirement systems, amongothers. We built our own databases,as well.After prodding from readers, wealso decided to write about a differentkind of pension abuse, one thatstunned the public with its scope andcost. At least 40 Long Island schooladministrators were “double dippers,”meaning they had retired and thenreturned to work as so-called interimemployees. Pension and payroll recordsshowed that they were paid six-figurepaychecks on top of equally lucrativepensions, collectively reaping at least$11 million a year.We found one superintendent collectinga pension of $316,245 andreturning to work as a superintendentfor an additional $200,000. Anothersuperintendent, convicted of stealingmore than $2.2 million from his schooldistrict, was collecting a pension of$173,495 in prison. In several cases,administrators literally retired one dayand returned the next day to the samejob. These double dippers had turneda system meant to provide security inretirement to one that minted millionairesonce they turned 55.Our stories hit a nerve. Newspapersthroughout the state, as wellas national law journals, picked upon our reporting. In New York, likeeverywhere else these days, there is agrowing divide between the public andprivate sectors, as public-sector salarieshave risen and private-sector benefitsare disappearing. On Long Island, theaverage public-sector worker makes$10,000 a year more than the averageprivate-sector worker and gets aguaranteed pension and health benefitson top of that. Taxpayer resentmentruns deep.Readers deluged state legislatorswith letters and e-mails, and a rarepublic hearing on the <strong>issue</strong> resulted.Although the New York legislaturehas been branded as “dysfunctional”by some, the clamor was too much toignore. In June 2008, the legislatureunanimously passed sweeping pensionreforms. The state’s comptroller andthe education department revampedtheir rules and beefed up enforcement.A few months later, state officials andlegislators proposed an additionalreform measure to address abuses in<strong>Nieman</strong> Reports | Summer 2009 75
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