excluded from many exchange relationships, and its culture istherefore built more around use-values, such as loyalty, honourand fairness.But the working class is not a passive recipient of middle-classexploitation. The former also adopts strategies, distinction andresistance against the latter, e.g. in the form of anti-pretentiousnessand through ‘taking the piss’ (<strong>Skeggs</strong> 2004; see also 1997). Yet<strong>Skeggs</strong> is quick to point out that the working class seldom has thechannels, influence, power, or symbolic capital to succeed in theresistance. As a consequence, resistance ultimately ‘works as amechanism to keep the working-class in place’ (<strong>Skeggs</strong> 2004: 114).We can see that <strong>Skeggs</strong> paints a picture where a centralelement in class formation is through exploitation of workingclassculture and where class struggle takes place mainly in thecultural realm. As she writes: ‘class struggle becomes not justabout the entitlement to the labour of others but the entitlementto their culture, feelings, affect and dispositions. This is a veryintimate form of exploitation’ (<strong>Skeggs</strong> 2005: 63).Concluding DiscussionEvaluating <strong>Skeggs</strong>’ account, I would argue that she presents asophisticated response to the two challenges to class theory – thedilemmas of individualization and exploitation – discussed inthis essay. The disidentification of class is itself a highly classedprocess entailing exploitative social relations mainly throughcultural means. And developing an understanding of class inthe light of the cultural turn she brings in affect, values and thesymbolic realm into class theory. Yet, there are a few tensions inher work.One is, as Bottero (2004) notes, that, although she movesaway from the traditional way of conceptualizing classes asantagonistic collectivities, sometimes her analysis slips into thiskind of notion. The old Marxist image of society composed oftwo classes acting in their respective interests springs to mind.26
Perhaps the increased differentiation and complexity <strong>with</strong>in andamong classes <strong>with</strong>in contemporary Western societies could beemphasized more.Furthermore, <strong>Skeggs</strong>’ analysis of the middle class has asomewhat one-sided focus on exchange-value (although this maybe a rhetorical point on her part). Like in Bourdieu’s work, thisimplies a notion of human behaviour as governed by instrumentalinterests. <strong>Skeggs</strong> (2004: 187) herself denies this being the case,claiming that her analysis just happens to reflect how middleclassselves currently are formed.But I would like a greater focus on the use-value in ‘middleclass’culture, and more generally, on the creativity of action. Forinstance, while <strong>Skeggs</strong> claims that fashion designers appropriatewhite trash aesthetics in order to ‘open up new markets’, she alsodenigrates, I believe, how fashion and aesthetics have great usevaluefor many of them. It is clear from McRobbie’s study (1998)of British high-fashion designers that most of her intervieweesshowed great passion and non-instrumental motives in their work,seeing fashion design as art rather than simply business. Many ofthem put in an enormous amount of work while experiencingsevere financial pressures. In sum, <strong>Skeggs</strong>’ work on class is arich resource, which future research would do well to draw on,develop, and critically engage <strong>with</strong>.ReferencesBeck, U. (1992), Risk Society: Towards a New Modernity (London: Sage).—— and Beck-Gernsheim, E. (2002), Individualization (London: Sage).—— and Rutherford, J. (2002), ‘Zombie Categories: An Interview <strong>with</strong> UlrichBeck’, in U. Beck and E. Beck-Gernsheim, Individualization (London: Sage).Bottero, W. (2004), ‘Class Identities and the Identity of Class’, Sociology,38(5): 985–1003.Giddens, A. (1991), Modernity and Self-Identity (Stanford: Stanford UniversityPress).27
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ReferencesAndersson, Åsa (2003), I
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A Feminist SustainableDevelopment:
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Wise, A. & Velayutham, S. (2006),
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