II. THE GOAL OF REVITALIZATION: EQUITABLE DEVELOPMENTThe process of <strong>gentrification</strong> is set in the context of the politically charged urbandevelopment process, and is best understood in that context. The market and the non-profit andpublic sectors work with each other and people and neighborhoods of urban America to produceeconomic and community growth, change, and development. As we will describe in greater detailbelow, sometimes these private-, public- and non-profit sector actions combine and result in theprocess of <strong>gentrification</strong>, producing some positive outcomes, some negative outcomes, and manyoutcomes that are positive for some and negative for others. Against what standard should wemeasure this process, its causes, consequences and prescriptions?We argue that city officials, developers, policymakers, advocates, business owners andresidents should support the goal of “equitable development.” We define equitable development asthe creation and maintenance of economically and socially diverse communities that are stable overthe long term, through means that generate a minimum of transition costs that fall unfairly on lowerincome residents. 1 While public and non-profit officials may easily support such an idea, thebusiness community should support it as well. Without equitable development, the long-termprospects of a neighborhood, or the metropolitan area in which it is set, can dim. Equitabledevelopment is something that should be planned for and facilitated whether <strong>gentrification</strong> pressuresexist or not.We leave it to others to further flesh out the concept of equitable development. 2 However,we believe it can form the framework for evaluating whether an aspect of the <strong>gentrification</strong> process is“good” or “bad,” for debating whether it warrants hearty support or intervention, and for deciding thenext steps to take in optimizing the positive aspects of <strong>gentrification</strong> and minimizing or eliminating itsdownsides. For example, <strong>gentrification</strong>, by definition, creates a greater income mix and can offergreater economic opportunity to those that need it, both of which are consistent with equitabledevelopment. At the same time, the displacement that is part of <strong>gentrification</strong> can pose very largefinancial and social costs on those it affects. While the government and private sector cannot beexpected to reimburse original residents and businesses for all financial and social costs they bearas a result of <strong>gentrification</strong>, we should try to ensure that these costs of community change do not fallinappropriately hard on those least able to bear them.With equitable development the goal, and <strong>gentrification</strong> a process that spurs or impedes thatgoal, we now turn to analyzing <strong>gentrification</strong> dynamics in greater detail.1 It is increasingly clear that concentrated poverty and segregated neighborhoods are bad for children, bad forthe viability of their communities, bad for the economic health of cities, and bad for surrounding suburbaneconomies. Therefore, the definition includes social and economic diversity. We discuss the research on thisissue later in the paper. In addition, a classic “market failure” warranting public intervention occurs whenmarket forces generate inequitable effects, for instance, for poor people. As a result, the definition includes acaveat regarding transition costs.2 PolicyLink has produced several documents summarizing the literature and thinking of leading scholars andpractitioners on the concept of equitable development, especially as it applies to urban areas in the regionalcontext. See the bibliography entries under PolicyLink.4
III. GENTRIFICATION DYNAMICS:DEFINITION, SCALE, CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCESThe term “<strong>gentrification</strong>” is both imprecise and quite politically charged. In both thesubstantial academic literature on the subject and in the popular discourse, <strong>gentrification</strong> has had anumber of contrasting definitions. 3 Some studies frame <strong>gentrification</strong> within the decades-longprocess of disinvestment and re-investment in a particular neighborhood, suggesting that publicpolicies and the owners of capital conspire, and enable higher income people to reap substantialprofits from <strong>gentrification</strong>. 4 Others use the term interchangeably with urban revitalization, to describeany commercial or residential improvements in urban neighborhoods. Others consider <strong>gentrification</strong>to more narrowly refer to the physical upgrading of low-income neighborhoods. Others havefocused primarily on the economic actions of newcomers, namely the renovation and upgrading ofthe housing stock. In contrast to these property-focused visions of the <strong>gentrification</strong> process, othersdescribe <strong>gentrification</strong> as the class and racial tensions and dislocation—the socioeconomic orpeople-based effects—that frequently accompany the arrival of new residents into a neighborhood.With so many notions of the term, it is important to specify the definition we apply to<strong>gentrification</strong>. In this paper we define <strong>gentrification</strong> as the process by which higher incomehouseholds displace lower income residents of a neighborhood, changing the essential characterand flavor of that neighborhood. Often, though not always, <strong>gentrification</strong> has a very clear racialcomponent, as higher income white households replace lower income minority households,sometimes in the very same neighborhoods that experienced “white flight” and traumatic urbanrenewal in the ‘50s and ‘60s. 5It is worth noting three key features of our definition. First, <strong>gentrification</strong> requires thedisplacement of lower income residents from their neighborhoods. We are most concerned aboutinvoluntary displacement, that is, the displacement of those “original” residents who would prefer tostay in their neighborhood, but because of non-just-cause evictions, rapidly rising rents or increasesin their property tax bills, cannot afford to do so. In addition to families that are directly displacedfrom changes in their neighborhood, researchers identify a form of exclusionary displacement, wherechanges in the neighborhood prevent future lower income households from moving in. 6 Second,<strong>gentrification</strong> has a physical as well as socioeconomic component that results in the upgrading ofhousing stock in the neighborhood. Third, <strong>gentrification</strong> results in the changed character of theneighborhood. This is a much more subjective feature of the definition, but one that is critical.Gentrification is not only attracting higher income households who replace lower income households3 For a good discussion of historical definitions, see Bruce London and J. John Palen, Gentrification,Displacement and Neighborhood Revitalization. Albany: State University of New York, 1984, pp. 6-10.4 Smith, Neil, The New Urban Frontier: Gentrification and the Revanchist City. London and New York:Routledge, 1996.5 As noted above, all of our cases included significant instances in which incoming households were non-white.Atlanta, Washington and Cleveland all have sizeable numbers of African American newcomers, while theAfrican American community of Bayview/Hunters Point in the Bay Area is seeing an influx of Asian Americanhouseholds.6 Marcuse, Peter, “Gentrification, Abandonment, and Displacement: Connections, Causes, and PolicyResponses,” Journal of Urban and Contemporary Law, Vol. 28, pp. 206-207.5
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experience in the Reynoldstown comm
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Hot Housing Market. Perhaps the mos
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The opening of the new Metro statio
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3. ConclusionOptimism about the cit
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just over seven percent of all perm
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But neighborhood watchers see the c
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BIBLIOGRAPHYAtkinson, Rowland, “M
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Mission Economic Development Associ
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Walker, Mary Beth, A Population Pro