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Publication (PDF format) - Institut économique de Montréal

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Why New International Taxes for Development Are Inefficientfinance criteria to evaluate specific taxes, like IFDtaxes. More precisely, the requirements are thefollowing:1) Efficiency – In the economic sense,efficiency refers to the capacity ofindividuals to maximize their utility (orsatisfaction) by making choices basedon the real costs of things. Hence a tax isinefficient to the extent that it introducesdistortions in these choices. Most taxescreate distortions and generate a specialcost that is called a <strong>de</strong>adweight loss or excessbur<strong>de</strong>n. The easiest way to un<strong>de</strong>rstand thisis to consi<strong>de</strong>r the case of an indirect tax ona specific good, called an “excise tax.” Byincreasing the price of the good, the taxreduces its consumption (technically, its“quantity <strong>de</strong>man<strong>de</strong>d”), and the consumerloses part of the utility he previouslyobtained. This loss in welfare is the excessbur<strong>de</strong>n of the tax. The excess bur<strong>de</strong>n of atax is its net cost, that is, what the consumerloses in excess of what is transferred to thepublic treasury. If the expenditures ma<strong>de</strong>with the tax revenues create more benefitsthan the <strong>de</strong>adweight loss (plus the othercosts of the tax), the total package (tax plusexpenditure) will have been efficient. Yet,the less inefficient the tax is in itself—thatis, the lower its excess bur<strong>de</strong>n—the betterit is. Moreover, if a tax corrects a distortioncreated by market failures (pollution, forexample), it increases welfare by itself. Suchtaxes are called “Pigovian taxes,” followingthe late British economist Arthur CecilPigou. 48 But note that a Pigovian tax stillneeds to be the most efficient one available,the one that is best at correcting the marketfailure involved.2) Administrative costs – Collecting an<strong>de</strong>nforcing a tax imposes a real cost upongovernment, in terms of resources used:48. See Pigou (1932).labour, computers, buildings, etc. Anotherform of cost to be inclu<strong>de</strong>d is the compliancecost to individuals and companies, whichinclu<strong>de</strong>s time, the hiring of accountants, andthe keeping of records. The less generallyaccepted a tax is, the higher the cost ofcollection and enforcement. Also, the morecomplex a tax, the higher the compliancecosts.3) Flexibility – According to Stiglitz, a taxshould be flexible in the sense that eitherits rate or rates should move automaticallywith the business cycle (lower rates inrecession time, like with the income taxwhen incomes <strong>de</strong>cline), or changing therates with changing circumstances shouldnot be too difficult politically.4) Political responsibility (accountability) –The accountability criterion has two relatedaspects. First, taxes should not be hid<strong>de</strong>n, astaxpayers should know what they are paying.Second, a government should be accountableto its citizens for the taxes it levies.5) Fairness – Again according to standardpublic finance theory, a tax should be fair orcontribute to the fairness of the tax systemin which it is imbed<strong>de</strong>d. This is obviouslythe most subjective criterion of a good tax,as it <strong>de</strong>pends on conflicting philosophicaltheories of fairness and justice. Traditionalpublic finance usually assumes that a tax thattreats all individuals equally is a good tax. 49A rapid analysis will show that each of the mainIFD taxes (current and proposed) violate some orall of these criteria (see Chart 4 for a summary ofthe analysis).49. Of course, <strong>de</strong>fining what equal treatment is and which are thetaxpayers’ characteristics according to which the tax should be equalgets us back to philosophical issues.16Montreal Economic <strong>Institut</strong>e

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