19 International Symposium on Theoretical and Applied Linguistics ...

G E N E R A L S E S S I O N
υποκειµένων, που έλαβαν µέρος στην έρευνα, συγκρότησαν 1585 µαθητές και µαθήτριες της Γ΄ τάξης
του Λυκείου και 420 φοιτητές και φοιτήτριες διαφόρων Α.Ε.Ι. & Τ.Ε.Ι.
Επιµέρους στόχοι του ερευνητικού µας σχεδιασµού είναι να εξετασθεί: α) το είδος των γλωσσικών
µεταβλητών µε λόγια συνιστώσα, που εµφανίζονται στον ηλεκτρονικό λόγο των νέων, β) οι ιδιαίτερες
κοινωνιοπραγµατολογικές (socio-pragmatic) λειτουργίες, που αυτές επιτελούν, γ) οι εξωγλωσσικές
παράµετροι (ηλικία, φύλο, τόπος καταγωγής, µορφωτικό επίπεδο γονέων, κοινωνικοοικονοµική
κατάσταση οικογένειας), που καθορίζουν τη χρήση τους.
Sluicing and asymmetries in the CG wh-question formation
Antri Kanikli
University of York
ak569@york.ac.uk
This paper proposes an approach to sluicing based on the asymmetries exhibited in certain whquestions
in Cypriot Greek (CG). In particular, I suggest that in sluices, at least in CG, only the
element occupying the specifier of CP may appear as a sluicing remnant.
CG displays two wh-formation patterns, the one is similar to the Standard Modern Greek (SMG)
wh-pattern (1a) and the other includes embu (1b), which is reminiscent of wh-strategies occurring in
French, Portuguese and Northern Italian dialects.
(1) a. Pcos emilise? b. Pcos (embu) emilise? (2) Inda *(’mbu) thelis?
who.NOM spoke.3SG who.NOM (is-that) spoke.3SG what.ACC (is-that) want.2SG
“Who has spoken?” “Who has spoken?” “What do you want?”
Intriguingly, the application of the embu strategy is compulsory in inanimate wh-arguments
introduced by the dialectal inda (2), whereas it is optional in animate wh-arguments (1b).
A split-CP analysis in the framework of Rizzi (<strong>19</strong>97) is proposed for the peculiar embu wh-strategy.
I argue, contra Grohmann, Panagiotidis and Tsiplakou (2005), for a mono-clausal analysis of these
wh-constructions, based on evidence drawn from the syntactic position of negation and sentential
adjuncts, and the properties of en (non-inflection for tense, person and number). On the basis of this
analysis, I re-examine the asymmetries occurring in embu wh-interrogatives. The different syntactic
behavior of the dialectal inanimate and animate wh-arguments with respect to sluicing, is crucial to the
account proposed for the asymmetry exhibited in between them. In particular, ’ndambu (a contracted
form of inda and embu) may appear as a sluicing remnant (4b), whereas in animate wh-arguments, a
wh-word cannot co-occur with embu in sluicing constructions (3b). Sluicing is considered to involve IPdeletion
(see among others Merchant (2001), Lobeck (<strong>19</strong>95); however, this stipulation is not always
verified, as verbs, which typically raise to the C domain in interrogatives, are also being deleted in
sluicing constructions. Thus, it is proposed that only the elements present in Spec,CP are eligible to
be sluicing remnants in CG. In these terms, ’ndambu is suggested to have been reanalyzed as a
single wh-element, which occupies the Spec,CP; hence it is licensed to appear in sluices, whereas
embu and the raised verbs, are being deleted.
(3) a. PCOS? (4) a. *INDA?
who.NOM.SG what.
b.*PCOS EMBU? b. ’NDAMBU?
who.NOM.SG is-that what-is-that
Conclusion: This approach to sluicing, although it diverges from Merchant’s account, is in accordance
with the sluicing-COMP generalization stipulated by himself (2001) in order to account for phenomena,
which contradict the idea of IP-deletion in sluicing. Furthermore, on the grounds that sluicing is a
focalizing strategy, the suggested approach reflects current minimalist conventions, according to
which an element in order to receive an interpretation by the interface levels, it must be located in an
edge position (Chomsky 2002). Therefore, the sluicing remnant, which receives in the SC and PC the
relevant focusing interpretation, is the one located in Spec,CP, an edge position.
<strong>19</strong> th ISTAL 23