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19 International Symposium on Theoretical and Applied Linguistics ...

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G E N E R A L S E S S I O N<br />

On-line processing of Greek garden-path sentences: adults vs. children<br />

1 Angeliki Papangeli & 2 Theodoros Marinis<br />

1&2 University of Reading<br />

1 a.papangeli@reading.ac.uk & 2 t.marinis@reading.ac.uk<br />

This paper investigates how adults <strong>and</strong> children process garden-path sentences, such as: (1) While<br />

she was eating(,) the pizza fell <strong>on</strong> the floor <strong>and</strong> (2) While she was sleeping (,) the pizza fell <strong>on</strong> the<br />

floor. In (1) when punctuati<strong>on</strong> is not present, readers/listeners process the pizza as the object of<br />

eating. Then, when they encounter the verb ‘fell’, they have to reanalyse ‘the pizza’ as the subject of<br />

‘fell’. This has been called ‘garden-path’ effect <strong>and</strong> it is assumed to arise from the parser’s preference<br />

for the structurally simplest analysis. Garden-path effects do not arise with intransitive verbs, such as<br />

in (2), because readers make use of subcategorisati<strong>on</strong> informati<strong>on</strong> of the verb. Similarly, garden-path<br />

effects should not arise when the sentences are read with natural int<strong>on</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> because prosody<br />

provides cues for the beginning of a new clause (Marslen-Wils<strong>on</strong> et al., <str<strong>on</strong>g>19</str<strong>on</strong>g>92; Nagel et al., <str<strong>on</strong>g>19</str<strong>on</strong>g>96) <strong>and</strong><br />

prosodic informati<strong>on</strong> has been shown to be sufficient to reverse syntactic parsing preferences<br />

(Steinhauer et al., <str<strong>on</strong>g>19</str<strong>on</strong>g>99). In English Traxler (2002), using a self-paced reading task showed that when<br />

punctuati<strong>on</strong> was not present English 8- to 12-year-old children were garden-pathed. However, to date<br />

studies in the processing of garden-path sentences in Greek children using the moving-window<br />

paradigm have failed to show garden-path effects (Papadopoulou & Tsimpli, 2005). This could be due<br />

to differences in parsing between adults <strong>and</strong> children, or a garden-path effect that was masked by<br />

children’s developing literacy. In the present study, to neutralise literacy effects, we used a self-paced<br />

listening task manipulating argument structure. Given that int<strong>on</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> provides cues for clause<br />

boundaries, Experiment 1 used flat int<strong>on</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> to eliminate those cues, <strong>and</strong> Experiment 2 used natural<br />

int<strong>on</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> to examine whether int<strong>on</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> cues reduce garden-path effects. An example of the 4<br />

experimental c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s is given below:<br />

(1) Transitive Sg, Eno majireve ta psaria kaike sto furno<br />

Object reading(TO) while was-cooking the fish-pl burnt-herself-3sg in the oven<br />

(2) Transitive Pl, Eno majireve ta psaria kaikan sto furno<br />

Subject reading(TS) while was-cooking the fish-pl burnt-3pl in the oven<br />

(3) Intransitive Sg, *Eno etrehe ta psaria kaike sto furno<br />

Object reading(IO) *while was-running the fish-pl burnt-herself-3sg in the oven<br />

(4) Intransitive Pl, Eno etrehe ta psaria kaikan sto furno<br />

Subject reading(IS) while was-running the fish-pl burnt-3pl in the oven<br />

25 Greek adults <strong>and</strong> 23 9;0 to 12;1 year-old Greek children participated in the two experiments.<br />

Natural prosody facilitated sentence processing; both adults <strong>and</strong> children showed higher accuracy <strong>and</strong><br />

shorter RTs when prosodic cues were present (Exp. 2) than when they were absent (Exp. 1). Adults<br />

<strong>and</strong> children showed garden-path effects in the absence of prosodic cues (Exp. 1), but not when<br />

prosodic cues were present (Exp. 2). This is in line with Traxler (2002) <strong>and</strong> reflects sensitivity to<br />

prosodic <strong>and</strong> subcategorisati<strong>on</strong> informati<strong>on</strong>. The lack of a garden-path effect in Papadopoulou &<br />

Tsimpli (2005) could be due to an effect of literacy caused by the reading task. Finally, both groups<br />

showed l<strong>on</strong>ger RTs in ungrammatical sentences involving number mismatch between subject <strong>and</strong><br />

verb, indicating sensitivity to number marking <strong>and</strong> immediate processing of subject-verb agreement.<br />

Adults <strong>and</strong> 9-to-12 year-old children are sensitive to subcategorisati<strong>on</strong> informati<strong>on</strong> of the verb <strong>and</strong><br />

number mismatch in subject-verb agreement. In the absence of prosodic cues, children process<br />

garden-path sentences in a similar way with adults. Greek shows the same garden-path effects as<br />

English in both adults <strong>and</strong> children.<br />

Exploring c<strong>on</strong>cessive c<strong>on</strong>nectives: evidence from Modern Greek grammars<br />

Paschalia Patsala<br />

Aristotle University of Thessal<strong>on</strong>iki<br />

ppatsala@enl.auth.gr<br />

This paper is intended to be a brief report of a study developed within the framework of a doctoral<br />

thesis exploring semantic <strong>and</strong> pragmatic insights into lexicography. It is intended as an introducti<strong>on</strong> to<br />

a certain problematic related to c<strong>on</strong>cessi<strong>on</strong> <strong>and</strong> its linguistic realizati<strong>on</strong>, given that in order to examine<br />

c<strong>on</strong>cessi<strong>on</strong> in dicti<strong>on</strong>aries, <strong>on</strong>e should first study c<strong>on</strong>cessive c<strong>on</strong>nectives from a grammatical<br />

perspective.<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>19</str<strong>on</strong>g> th ISTAL 43

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