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19 International Symposium on Theoretical and Applied Linguistics ...

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G E N E R A L S E S S I O N<br />

The role of morpho-ph<strong>on</strong>ological salience in tense marking:<br />

a comparis<strong>on</strong> between Greek <strong>and</strong> Cypriot-Greek SLI children<br />

1 Maria Mastropavlou, 2 Kakia Petinou & 3 Ianthi Maria Tsimpli<br />

1&3 Aristotle University of Thessal<strong>on</strong>iki & 2 European University Cyprus<br />

1 mariamst@gmail.com, 2 kpeteinou@cytanet.com.cy & 3 imt@enl.auth.gr<br />

The aim of this study is based <strong>on</strong> the hypothesis that mopho-ph<strong>on</strong>ological salience <strong>on</strong> [past] tense<br />

marking plays an important role in the development of the tense system in typical <strong>and</strong> SLI m<strong>on</strong>olingual<br />

grammars. Based <strong>on</strong> previous empirical evidence (Mastropavlou 2006), we maintain that SLI children<br />

appear to perform better <strong>on</strong> past tense marking in Greek compared to English (e.g. Rice <strong>and</strong> Wexler,<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>19</str<strong>on</strong>g>96), German (Clahsen <strong>and</strong> Dalalakis, <str<strong>on</strong>g>19</str<strong>on</strong>g>99) <strong>and</strong> French (Jakubowicz, 2003) due to the combinati<strong>on</strong><br />

of morphological (verb ending) <strong>and</strong> ph<strong>on</strong>ological (stress-shift / augment) changes associated with this<br />

tense feature in Greek. In particular, bisyllabic verbs that require a syllabic augment to carry the<br />

shifted stress in the past appear to be easier for SLI children than trisyllabic verbs, which require<br />

stress-shift al<strong>on</strong>e.<br />

In Cypriot Greek, the use of the stressed augment is obligatory with bisyllabic verbs. In trisyllabic<br />

(<strong>and</strong> other polysyllabic) verbs, however, the opti<strong>on</strong>al, unstressed augment is also pr<strong>on</strong>ounced,<br />

c<strong>on</strong>trary to Greek, where no augment is required in these cases:<br />

(1) PRESENT IMPERFECT PRESENT IMPERFECT<br />

GR: fevgho (=leave) éfevgha CY: fevgho éfevgha<br />

dhiavázo (=read) dhiávaza thkiavazo ethkiávaza<br />

Furthermore, c<strong>on</strong>tractible verbs of the 2 nd c<strong>on</strong>jugati<strong>on</strong> in –ao (e.g. klotsάο-klotsό) in Greek <strong>and</strong> Cypriot<br />

Greek differ:<br />

(2) GR: klotsáo (=kick) klotsúsa / klótsaga<br />

CY: klotsó eklotsúsa / eklótsa(g)a<br />

Although both forms of the imperfect in (2) are available in Greek, the preference in the southern<br />

dialect is for klótsaga in informal c<strong>on</strong>texts, whereas in Cypriot Greek the form eklotsúsa is extensively<br />

used given the use of the c<strong>on</strong>tracted final syllable in the present tense form.<br />

We report results from <strong>on</strong>e producti<strong>on</strong> task which aimed to elicit the imperfect of real <strong>and</strong> pseudoverbs<br />

in Greek <strong>and</strong> Cypriot Greek. The participants were two groups of SLI children (8 Greek (GR/SLI)<br />

<strong>and</strong> 7 Cypriot Greek (CY/SLI)) <strong>and</strong> two groups of age-matched typically developing children (6 Greek<br />

(GR/TD) <strong>and</strong> 6 Cypriot Greek (CY/TD)). The results revealed the following:<br />

- GR/SLI were significantly affected by all variables tested (augment, verb status, c<strong>on</strong>jugati<strong>on</strong>),<br />

- GR/TD were affected by verb status <strong>and</strong> c<strong>on</strong>jugati<strong>on</strong> but not by augment,<br />

- CY/SLI were had lower scores in c<strong>on</strong>tractible verbs in both real <strong>and</strong> pseudo verbs,<br />

- CY/TD had no serious difficulties with c<strong>on</strong>tractible pseudo verbs,<br />

- GR/SLI > CY/SLI <strong>on</strong> real verbs, but not <strong>on</strong> pseudo verbs.<br />

These results better our underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the effects of morphoph<strong>on</strong>ological properties as<br />

compensati<strong>on</strong> strategies implemented by SLI grammars to overcome deficiencies in tense marking. It<br />

is suggested that the generalized use of the (unstressed) augment in Cypriot Greek is more salient<br />

than the obligatory use of the stressed augment in Greek, since it acts as an unambiguous cue of the<br />

verb’s ph<strong>on</strong>ological properties (bisyllabic, augment always stressed), while in Cypriot Greek the<br />

augment marks [past] independently of other ph<strong>on</strong>ological properties, triggering an increased number<br />

of overgeneralizati<strong>on</strong>s of the syllabic augment by both SLI groups. The error patterns observed<br />

strengthen the argument the co-occurrence of different morpho-ph<strong>on</strong>ological properties (+/-stressed<br />

augment, stress-shift, suffix) <strong>and</strong> their interdependence seem to c<strong>on</strong>stitute str<strong>on</strong>g cues aiding<br />

acquisiti<strong>on</strong> by SLI children but also give rise to further differences between the two dialects. Finally,<br />

the c<strong>on</strong>tractible verbs appear to be the most problematic for CY/SLI children, which can be associated<br />

with the variety of alternative verb form outputs as well as the special status of these verbs in terms of<br />

lack of stress-shift to mark pastness in Cypriot Greek.<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>19</str<strong>on</strong>g> th ISTAL 35

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