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19 International Symposium on Theoretical and Applied Linguistics ...

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G E N E R A L S E S S I O N<br />

L1 transfer in L2 learning: compound forms in the speech of Turkish learners of Greek<br />

Marina Tzakosta<br />

University of Crete/ Greek State Scholarships foundati<strong>on</strong><br />

martzak@gmail.com<br />

Greek compounding has been extensively dealt with theoretically (cf. Ράλλη <str<strong>on</strong>g>19</str<strong>on</strong>g>99, Nespor & Ralli<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>19</str<strong>on</strong>g>96, Ralli 2005); however, little has been said regarding compound formati<strong>on</strong> in sec<strong>on</strong>d language<br />

learning (L2). In this study, we evaluate the capacity of Greek native speakers <strong>and</strong> Turkish learners of<br />

Greek to form compound words placing emphasis <strong>on</strong> a) their internal structure, b) their headedness, c)<br />

the relati<strong>on</strong> holding between the compound elements <strong>and</strong> d) the status of the linking vowel. In an offline<br />

task, 40 native speakers of Greek (age range: 18-58 years), had to form a) existing compounds<br />

(test 1) <strong>and</strong> b) morphologically possible but semantically vague compounds (test 2). The same test<br />

was distributed to Turkish learners of Greek (age range: 10-12 years).<br />

Native speakers exhibit a high degree of variati<strong>on</strong> in the formati<strong>on</strong> of endocentric compounds (1a).<br />

Therefore, the syllable receiving stress <strong>and</strong> the inflecti<strong>on</strong>al suffix vary. In case the sec<strong>on</strong>d compound<br />

c<strong>on</strong>stituent retains its inflecti<strong>on</strong>al suffix, a syllable of the sec<strong>on</strong>d compound member receives stress. If<br />

the sec<strong>on</strong>d compound member does not retain its inflecti<strong>on</strong>al suffix, the linking vowel is stressed.<br />

Variati<strong>on</strong> is also attested in compounds of different classes, i.e. [[stem+stem]+deriv.Suff.] <strong>and</strong><br />

[stem+word] forms (cf.Nespor&Ralli <str<strong>on</strong>g>19</str<strong>on</strong>g>96, Ralli 2005), which are used interchangeably (1b).<br />

Apparently, the two compound classes are not recognized as distinct. Additi<strong>on</strong>ally, the head of the<br />

word is often ambiguously perceived. In (1c) the actual head appears either at the left or right edge of<br />

the word, depending <strong>on</strong> whether the head has been perceived as the head of the word or not (cf.<br />

Jarema et al. <str<strong>on</strong>g>19</str<strong>on</strong>g>99, Kehayia et al. <str<strong>on</strong>g>19</str<strong>on</strong>g>99, Tsapkini et al. <str<strong>on</strong>g>19</str<strong>on</strong>g>99). Head mispercepti<strong>on</strong> leads to semantic<br />

ambiguity. Finally, the linking vowel appears in envir<strong>on</strong>ments where it could be ph<strong>on</strong>ologically<br />

prohibited (sec<strong>on</strong>d example in (1d)). Variable forms appear more systematically in test 2 compared to<br />

test 1. Obviously, variati<strong>on</strong> in test 1 is restricted by mnem<strong>on</strong>ic mechanisms which drive compound<br />

formati<strong>on</strong>.<br />

L2 data display equivalent patterns of variati<strong>on</strong>. However, compounding in L2 is clearly influenced<br />

by L1 word formati<strong>on</strong> mechanisms. Therefore, compound heads are ambiguously perceived not <strong>on</strong>ly<br />

in exocentric but also in endocentric compounds (2). A related outcome of Greek L2 is that Turkish<br />

learners prefer two-word compounds to <strong>on</strong>e-word compounds. Additi<strong>on</strong>ally, given that linking vowels<br />

do not appear in Turkish compounds, Turkish learners exhibit variable forms with <strong>and</strong> without linking<br />

vowels (examples in 2a, 2c). Moreover, stress may shift bey<strong>on</strong>d the trisyllabic window, given that<br />

trisyllabicity is not respected in Turkish (first example in 2c). Statistically, [[stem+stem]+deriv.Suff]<br />

forms are more prevalent in L2. This prevalence is theoretically founded in that Turkish compounds<br />

lack inflecti<strong>on</strong>al suffixes.<br />

In sum, the degree of variati<strong>on</strong> in compound formati<strong>on</strong> is determined by the extent to which<br />

mnem<strong>on</strong>ic mechanisms are activated. Mnem<strong>on</strong>ic knowledge, which prohibits variati<strong>on</strong> in the formati<strong>on</strong><br />

of existing words, is minimized in the formati<strong>on</strong> of n<strong>on</strong>-existing words. Variati<strong>on</strong> in L2 compound<br />

learning is additi<strong>on</strong>ally driven by mechanisms active in the learners’ L1.<br />

(1) a. ασχηµ-ο-πούλ+ι vs. ασχηµ-ό-πουλ+ο ‘ugly bird–NEUT.NOM.SG.’(Test 1)<br />

b. βαρι-ό-σκαλ+α vs. βαρι-ο-σκάλ+α ‘heavy staircase–FEM.NOM .SG.’(Test 2)<br />

c. κρεατ-ό-ρυζο vs. ρυζ-ό-κρεας ‘meat rice–NEUT.NOM.SG.’ (Test 1)<br />

head head<br />

d. νερ-Ø-έµπορος vs. νερ-ο-έµπορος ‘water seller–MASC.NOM.SG.’(Test 2)<br />

(2) a. βαρι-Ø-σκάλα vs. βαρι-ο-σκάλα vs. σκαλ-ό-βαρο ‘heavy staircase–FEM.NOM.SG.’ (Test 2)<br />

b. κρε-ό-ρυζ+ο vs. κρε-ο-ρύζ+ο/-ι ‘meat rice–NEUT.NOM.SG.’ (Test 1)<br />

c. νερ-ό-εµπoρος vs. νερ-Ø-έµπορος vs. εµπορ-ό-νερος ‘water seller–MASC.NOM.SG.’(Test 2)<br />

Exploring the influence of the interview<br />

as a research method <strong>on</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> of identities in narrative<br />

Dorien Van De Mieroop<br />

Lessius / KULeuven<br />

dorien.v<strong>and</strong>emieroop@lessius.eu<br />

Narratives are an important means by which individuals make sense of their lives <strong>and</strong> by which they<br />

perceive <strong>and</strong> c<strong>on</strong>struct identities. On the basis of social c<strong>on</strong>structivist insights, this self is regarded as<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>19</str<strong>on</strong>g> th ISTAL 59

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