19 International Symposium on Theoretical and Applied Linguistics ...

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G E N E R A L S E S S I O N tense can have a “definite” reading, an existential reading or a result reading. In CG there is no Present Perfect A, but just as in SMG, Present Perfect B can have only a result reading and the past tense can also have the same range of interpretations. Nearly 400 pupils (age: 10-<strong>19</strong> years old, primary school, gymnasium and lyceum) from government (Greek-speaking) and private (English-speaking) schools in Cyprus and government schools in Greece took part in the research, including a small number of native speakers as a control group. Their mastery of use and interpretation of present perfect was checked according to their performance in the forced choice judgement task. Furthermore the study tests the role of L2 input in different educational settings, in particular Greece and Cyprus. One of the aims of the study is to compare Greek-Cypriot children of similar age educated in government and private schools. The results of this study suggest that the amount of L2 input plays a crucial role in L2 present perfect acquisition as there was revealed a certain difference between the test performance of government and private school pupils in Cyprus. The results show also that there is a certain effect of L1 on L2 present perfect acquisition, as there was found a difference between CG pupils and SMG pupils of the government schools in their test performance, and this difference is mainly due to the difference in meaning/interpretation rather than form of present perfect in CG and SMG. Further study within the framework of the Interpretability Hypothesis (Tsimpli 2003; Hawkins and Hattori 2006), relevant to syntax-semantics and syntax-discourse interfaces, is needed for deeper understanding whether we deal here with transfer from L1 or difficulties in interpretability by L2 learners. Preliminary thoughts on this from a follow-up study will be presented in this talk. Attachment preferences and corpus frequencies in Prepositional Phrase structures: a study in Greek Kalliopi Katsika Aristotle University of Thessaloniki kkatsika@enl.auth.gr A much debated issue in sentence processing is whether the interpretation of ambiguous structures is based on syntactic criteria (Frazier, <strong>19</strong>87) or whether parsing is determined by the satisfaction of multiple constraints (MacDonnald, Pearlmutter and Seidenberg, <strong>19</strong>94). This study investigates the online processing of PP structures in Greek. Syntax-based models predict that the parser will initially interpret the PPs me to maheri and me to luludhi (in [1], [2]) as potential arguments of the V ekopse, and thus reanalyze the structure in [2] (Rayner, Carlson and Frazier, <strong>19</strong>83). Constraint-based models assume that initial parsing decisions are formed on the basis of constraints such as lexically specific biases and attachment frequencies (Spivey-Knowlton and Sedivy, <strong>19</strong>95). Experiments 1 and 2 examined the acceptability and on-line processing of PP attachment structures. Four Greek Ps were inserted in the critical sentences (me [with], se [in], ja [for] and apo [from]) so as to investigate possible lexical effects of each P. The results revealed a significant VP attachment preference in both tasks. The effect of P was significant in the off-line acceptability task (F1(3,53)=17.918,p
G E N E R A L S E S S I O N Frazier, L. <strong>19</strong>87. Syntactic Processing: Evidence from Dutch. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 5, 5<strong>19</strong>- 559. MacDonnald, M.C., Pearlmutter, N.J. & Seidenberg, M.S. <strong>19</strong>94. Syntactic ambiguity resolution as lexical ambiguity resolution. In: C. Clifton, L. Frazier & K. Rayner (Eds), Perspectives on Sentence Processing, (pp. 178-269). Hillsdale, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum. Mitchell, D. C. & Cuetos, F. <strong>19</strong>91. The origins of parsing strategies. In C. Smith (Ed.), Current issues in natural language processing. Austin: Center for Cognitive Science, University of Texas. Rayner, K., Carlson, M. & Frazier, L. <strong>19</strong>83. The interaction of syntax and semantics during sentence processing: Eye movements in the analysis of semantically biased sentences. Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior, 22, 358-374. Spivey-Knowlton, M. & Sedivy, J.C. <strong>19</strong>95. Resolving attachment ambiguities with multiple constraints. Cognition 55, 227-267. Referential agreement in MG coordinate NPs Despina Kazana University of Essex dkazan@essex.ac.uk Gender resolution in coordinate noun phrases is interesting for a number of languages due to the existence of two resolution principles, the syntactic and the semantic one (Corbett (<strong>19</strong>83, <strong>19</strong>91); Dalrymple and Kaplan (2000); Sadler (2006); Wechsler and Zlatic (2003)). A challenging issue is that not all languages follow the aforementioned distinction. An analysis of Modern Greek coordinate nouns showed that a group of patterns does not comply with the characteristics of these two principles. The aim of this paper is to prove that a third gender resolution principle is involved in MG coordinate phrases and examine whether the attested patterns are exemplified by the current agreement theories. Two central theories of gender resolution have been proposed within the framework of Lexical Functional Grammar. Dalrymple and Kaplan (2000) propose a syntactic account of gender resolution using a set-based theory of feature resolution in coordinate constructions. GENDER is represented as a set-valued rather than an atomic feature while syntactic resolution is calculated by the simple operation of set union. The value of the GENDER feature of the coordinate phrase as a whole is the smallest set containing the values of the individual conjuncts. Wechsler and Zlatic (2003) propose the ’Elsewhere’ principle, which combines syntactic and semantic gender resolution. Animate nouns display syntactic resolution, if the NP has a head with a gender value, or semantic resolution, if the NP lacks an inherent gender or lacks a head noun, having no inherent lexical gender feature, as in coordinate phrases. Inanimate nouns display syntactic resolution, following the constraint on inanimate aggregate discourse referents. The gender value of empty-genders (inanimates), which lack semantic correlates, is calculated if we remove the empty-gender features from the intersection of the gender features for group-denoting NPs with the semantic-gender (animates) features. MG animate coordinate nouns follow semantic resolution according to which identical gender nouns resolve into the gender of the conjuncts, whereas mixed gender nouns resolve into masculine. MG inanimate coordinate nouns follow syntactic resolution in which identical gender conjuncts resolve into the gender of the conjuncts but mixed gender conjuncts resolve into neuter. A number of patterns, however, display alternative resolution results. In particular, animate nouns with f.pl+n.pl conjuncts may also resolve into n.pl and not only into m.pl, irrespective of the order of the conjuncts. Similarly, inanimate nouns with the gender combination m.sg+m.sg resolve into n.pl, apart from the m.pl resolution. Finally, an inanimate phrase with m.pl+f.pl nouns resolves mainly into m.pl as opposed to n.pl. The above cases confirm the existence of a third type of gender resolution principle which is referentially motivated. The agreeing element (’target’) is morpho-syntactically determined by an implied noun that functions as the superordinate referent of the coordinate phrase. Thus, I will show that MG data supports the recognition of an extra gender agreement principle but the present approaches are inadequate to exemplify such patterns. A further question to explore is whether any theory can adequately account for these referential agreement patterns. References Corbett, G. G. <strong>19</strong>83. Resolution rules: Agreement in person, number and gender. In G. Gazdar, E. Klein & G. K. Pullum, ed., Order, concord and constituency, pages 175–206. Dordrecht: Foris. Corbett, G. G. <strong>19</strong>91. Gender. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Dalrymple, M. & Kaplan R. 2000. Feature Indeterminacy and Feature resolution. Journal of Language 76(4). Sadler, L. 2006. Gender resolution in Rumanian. In M. Butt, M. Dalrymple & T. H. King, eds., Intelligent Linguistic Architectures: Variations on Themes by Ron Kaplan, pages 437–454. CSLI Publications. Wechsler, S. & Zlatic L. 2003. The Many Faces of Agreement. CA: CSLI Publications. <strong>19</strong> th ISTAL 27
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Page 3 and 4: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N Probing
Page 5 and 6: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N Alexiad
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Page 9 and 10: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N The par
Page 11 and 12: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N “Sket
Page 13 and 14: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N hypothe
Page 15 and 16: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N case be
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Page 19 and 20: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N as thin
Page 21 and 22: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N Bilingu
Page 23 and 24: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N υπο
Page 25: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N Note th
Page 29 and 30: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N (male /
Page 31 and 32: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N Learnin
Page 33 and 34: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N Ν. 369
Page 35 and 36: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N The rol
Page 37 and 38: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N Referen
Page 39 and 40: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N το γ
Page 41 and 42: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N Embick,
Page 43 and 44: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N On-line
Page 45 and 46: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N semanti
Page 47 and 48: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N Undoubt
Page 49 and 50: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N Lyons,
Page 51 and 52: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N [sp], [
Page 53 and 54: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N encount
Page 55 and 56: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N Asher a
Page 57 and 58: G E N E R A L S E S S I O N Teachin
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