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Encyclopedia of Buddhism Volume One A -L Robert E. Buswell

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M ONGOLIA<br />

lier than circa 1451 in Korea, 1682 in China, or 1715<br />

in Japan. Although the term is relatively late, it can be<br />

used to retrospectively designate earlier phenomena.<br />

Buddhist scriptures prohibit the use <strong>of</strong> force and the<br />

taking <strong>of</strong> life. Nonetheless, East Asian history records<br />

many instances during times <strong>of</strong> political conflict, regional<br />

unrest, dynastic change, or foreign invasion<br />

when Buddhist institutions relied on armed forces to<br />

defend their interests. During the years from 1553 to<br />

1555, for example, Chinese monastic forces fought<br />

alongside government troops to repel coastal raiders.<br />

Likewise, in 1592 Korean Buddhist monks formed<br />

armed bands to help fight invading Japanese armies.<br />

Neither Chinese nor Korean examples, however,<br />

have been as historically prominent or as well studied<br />

as those <strong>of</strong> early and medieval Japan. Throughout most<br />

<strong>of</strong> that period the institutions <strong>of</strong> secular government<br />

in Japan derived legitimation from the divine protection<br />

<strong>of</strong> buddhas (enshrined in temples) and local gods<br />

(placated at shrines), while the temples and shrines engaged<br />

in the secular activities <strong>of</strong> controlling large tracts<br />

<strong>of</strong> land and the people who worked thereon. Beginning<br />

in the tenth century, major shrines (such as Ise)<br />

developed the tactic <strong>of</strong> protesting unfavorable government<br />

actions by sending armed bands <strong>of</strong> men to the<br />

capital, where they would parade the divine body <strong>of</strong><br />

the gods in front <strong>of</strong> the residences <strong>of</strong> terrified government<br />

<strong>of</strong>ficials. Major Buddhist centers (Mount Hiei,<br />

Onjoji, K<strong>of</strong>ukuji, Todaiji, etc.) soon adopted this tactic.<br />

By the end <strong>of</strong> the eleventh century, they were<br />

directing their armed forces not just to protest government<br />

authorities but also to attack one another.<br />

Mount Hiei, the main center <strong>of</strong> the Japanese Tendai<br />

school, became infamous for its men <strong>of</strong> arms. During<br />

the twelfth century they repeatedly attacked and<br />

burned Onjoji, a rival Tendai center. English-language<br />

accounts <strong>of</strong> these conflicts frequently render the term<br />

so hei as “warrior monks,” although membership in<br />

those armed bands was not limited to the clergy, but<br />

consisted primarily <strong>of</strong> laborers (shuto, jinin, etc.) in<br />

various degrees <strong>of</strong> servitude to the temples and shrines.<br />

The warlord Oda Nobunaga (1534–1582) campaigned<br />

to eliminate the military power <strong>of</strong> Japanese Buddhist<br />

institutions beginning with Mount Hiei, which he<br />

torched in 1571. His successor Toyotomi Hideyoshi<br />

(1537–1598) successfully concluded this campaign in<br />

1585 when he defeated the Shingon school’s stronghold<br />

<strong>of</strong> Negoroji and eradicated monastic militias<br />

from Japan.<br />

See also: Hyujŏng; Martial Arts; War; Yujŏng<br />

Bibliography<br />

Adolphson, Mikael S. The Gates <strong>of</strong> Power: Monks, Courtiers, and<br />

Warriors in Premodern Japan. Honolulu: University <strong>of</strong><br />

Hawaii Press, 2000.<br />

Hirata Toshiharu. “Akuso ni tsuite.” In Shu kyo shakaishi<br />

kenkyu , ed. Rissho Daigaku Shigakkai. Tokyo: Yuzankaku.<br />

1977.<br />

Kuroda Toshio. Jisha seiryoku: mo hitotsu no chu sei shakai.<br />

Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1980.<br />

McMullin, Neil. <strong>Buddhism</strong> and the State in Sixteenth Century<br />

Japan. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984.<br />

Nishigaki Harutsugu. “Ritsuryo taisei no kaitai to Ise jingu.”<br />

Chicho 56 (1955): 37–51.<br />

MONGOLIA<br />

WILLIAM M. BODIFORD<br />

In the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, a<br />

confederation <strong>of</strong> Mongol tribes rose up in Outer and<br />

Inner Mongolia under the leadership <strong>of</strong> Genghis Khan<br />

(Chinggis Khan, named Temujin, 1162?–1227).<br />

Though the Mongols had certainly had contact with<br />

Buddhist neighbors (Jurchen, Tanguts, and Chinese),<br />

Genghis continued to support indigenous shamanist<br />

practices. However, following his death in 1227 and<br />

the subsequent conquest <strong>of</strong> China and much <strong>of</strong><br />

Central and Western Asia by his sons and grandsons,<br />

<strong>Buddhism</strong>—specifically Tibetan <strong>Buddhism</strong>—began<br />

to have a significant impact on Mongolian concepts<br />

<strong>of</strong> rulership and empire.<br />

<strong>Buddhism</strong> during the Mongol Yuan dynasty<br />

(1260–1368)<br />

Genghis’s son Ogodei (r. 1229–1241) established a<br />

Mongol empire that stretched from Korea (occupied<br />

in 1238) to present-day Poland and Hungary (1241).<br />

Ogodei’s second son, Gödan Khan, invaded Tibet several<br />

times and in 1244 brought three prominent Tibetan<br />

SA SKYA (SAKYA) lamas as guests (or hostages)<br />

to his court in Liangzhou (modern Gansu province).<br />

They were SA SKYA PAN D ITA (SAKYA PAN D ITA,<br />

1182–1251), head <strong>of</strong> the Sa skya pa, and his two<br />

nephews, ’Phags pa (1235–1280) and Phyag na rdo rje<br />

(1239–1267). Under duress, Sa skya Pandita wrote a<br />

letter to Tibet’s great nobles and lamas praising Gödan<br />

Khan, but he also initiated him into Tibetan Bud-<br />

E NCYCLOPEDIA OF B UDDHISM<br />

561

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