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Poland Executive Summary In case of Poland, the main channels of Russian influence are organizations, such as Mateusz Piskorski’s European Centre of Geopolitical Analysis or the All-Polish Youth, which directly or indirectly spread pro-Russian statements. The most important division, which Russia uses to its advantage, is nationalism rooted in historic animosities between Poland, Ukraine and Lithuania. Another important factor the Kremlin can exploit is Polish conservatism linked with Catholicism; however, Polish social conservatism is independent from Russian influence. The main tools of Russian influence in Poland are short messages, such as memes and comments with simple statements. 171 The main danger is that Russian influence will grow in Poland as a consequence of social objection, conservatism, historical issues and national animosities. Regressive values are not evidence of Russian influence in Poland, but these are tools to achieve a political goal. In general, all organizations with a nationalist orientation (many on the left side as well) foster Russian values by creating and expanding international conflicts between Poland and other countries either intentionally or not. The real threats are institutions in which Mateusz Piskorski and Bartosz Bekier appear. They are directly linked to Russia and due to their connections and interests, they are capable of using force (for example, in the form of volunteer patrols) 172 . Russia strives to use nationalist movements to turn the Polish society against Ukraine and Lithuania. There are two main channels of reaching this goal: 1) the "Kremlin Propaganda" is spread by Piskorski and his associates, and 2) "Russian PR" in Poland against their enemies (NATO, EU, etc.) is disseminated through national movements, influential intellectuals and journalists. Lately, national movements are more focused on Ukraine, Lithuania and immigrants, while 3-4 years ago they were more concentrating on fighting leftist movements and the LGBT community. Russia uses these conflicts as an opportunity to influence society. There are two groups that contribute to the spread of reactionary values: 1) A group that consists of entities dependent strictly on Russia, representing the Kremlin’s point of view, and the members’ values are linked to, for example, the Eurasian idea of Dugin or Putin’s authoritarian policies. They have a small target audience and are treated as political and institutional entities of minor importance. They are only dangerous because journalists and other influential individuals ask for their opinion or invite them to conferences and 2) a group that consists of unaware supporters who are used by Russian propaganda. The best example is priest Tadeusz Isakowicz- Zalewski, who is an advocate of the commemoration of Poles killed by the OUN in Ukraine. Overall, Russia has been and continues to be treated in Poland as a potential threat. This animosity has been around for more than four hundred years. Nowadays, the threat is not only military, but also a political and economic one and it focuses on regaining lost influence. Media The spread of Russian values in Poland is a complex and multifaceted process. As a result of historic issues and more than forty years of socialism, Poles are strongly resistant to direct Russian propaganda. Radio Sputnik, for instance, reaches only 0.01% of the target audience in Poland 173 and any reference to these media in the mainstream is considered nonsense. Consequently, the most important goal of the Kremlin is to shape public opinion subtly. 171 See: http://demotywatory.pl/4567482/Teraz-juz-wiesz 172 See: http://xportal.pl/?p=21938 173 See: http://goo.gl/dgOjnv 50
An example of indirect Russian influence is, for instance, the OSCE conference in Warsaw that was held in September 2014, during which there was a discussion on human rights in Ukraine after EuroMaidan, 174 but “experts” partaking in this meeting were not impartial. 175 At that meeting “experts” tried to prove that the government in Kiev did not observe the basic principles of human rights, and it was destructive to the Russian Orthodox Church and Russians in general. Another example is the Anna German International Festival (Międzynarodowy Festiwal Anny German) 176 : The president of the Polish Woman League is Mrs. Aldona Michalak, who is closely associated with the Poland-Russia Association for Cooperation. As part of the Festival’s Honorary Committee, the wives of ambassadors of the Russian Federation, Uzbekistan, Belarus and Kazakhstan, Vicepremier Janusz Piechociński and the mayors of six Polish Cities attended. Overall, these events are tools to make Russia look friendlier in the eyes of Poles, albeit with highly limited success. Alarmingly, Polish politicians and local government representatives let Russia get involved in the organization of such events. Among pro-Russian media, there is no strict division between outlets that directly spread Russian values and the ones that foster those (“useful idiot”). However, only a small group of people trust mass media with a direct Russian background. Below in Table 6 is a non-exhaustive alphabetical list of media that disseminates Russian statements Table 6. Significant pro-Russian media in Poland I. Russian influence and values 177 II. Reactionary values 178 D: Direct Russian influence N: Nationalist Ideology 1: Pro-family S: Soft Russian influence or foster Russia L: Leftist political beliefs 2: Anti-feminism C: Influence through conservative values F: Far or extreme 3: Anti-abortion 4: Pro-life 5: Anti-LGBTQ 174 See: www.youtube.com/watch?v=Tm0fJgF1dtk and hwww.youtube.com/watch?v=S4DqXmf7OH0 175 The people invited to the discussion were Oleg Muzyka (Ukraine), member of the illegalized political party Rodina, who was spreading false information about clashes in Odessa on May 2, 2014; Konrad Rękas, formerly a member of Self-defence (Samoobrona, a marginal political party), Congress of the New Right (Kongres Nowej Prawicy, political party) and the European Centre of Geopolitical Analysis (Europejskie Cnetrum Analiza Geopolitycznych); Ronald Lasecki, member of Falanga, a pro-Russian organization, connected with the National Bolsheviks of Eduard Limonov and Alexander Dugin’s Eurasianist movement; Tomasz Jankowski, the spokesperson of Self-defence at the time, and associate of Mateusz Piskorski (chief of European Centre of Geopolitical Analysis), chief of Ukrainian Committee, responsible for anti-Maidan demonstrations in Warsaw; Jacek Kamiński, member of the European Centre of Geopolitical Analysis, formerly affiliated with the National Rebirth of Poland (Narodowe Odrodzenie Polski, far-right organization), currently linked with leftist organizations, president of the Foundation Institute of New Countries (Fundacja Instytut Nowych Państw, which is part of The International Institute of the Newly Established States (Международный институт новейших государств of Aleksei Martynow); publicist (why is there no name?) of „Myśl Polska” (far-right nationalist journal) and “Socjalizm Teraz” (Socialism Now, far-left journal).—I edited this list, would be good if someone checked 176 Organized by the Polish Woman League (Liga Polskich Kobiet), the Centre for Russian Culture and Science in Warsaw (Rosyjski Ośrodek Nauki i Kultury w Warszawie; Rossotrudniczestwo), the Poland-East Association for Cooperation (Stowarzyszenie Współpracy Polska-Wschód), and the Poland-Russia Association for Cooperation (Stowarzyszenie Współpracy Polska-Rosja). 177 Direct Russian Influence: when organisations or individuals directly refer to statements of the Kremlin or Kremlin media, or when institutional connections are clearly visible and undeniable. This type of influence can be focused on politics, international relations or economic issues, or on cultural statements. It does not mean that all Russian cultural events in Poland are involved in Russian influence system. It means that cultural events may be used as a tool in Kremlin's policy making. Indirect or soft Russian influence: when organisations or individuals create and spread statements, which follow Kremlin’s strategic goals, but shown as independent statements. 178 If none, then unmarked. 51
Page 1 and 2: The Weaponization of Culture: Kreml
Page 3 and 4: Events ............................
Page 5 and 6: Introduction The hybrid warfare tha
Page 7 and 8: 1) It is a more subtle form of infl
Page 9 and 10: Russian actors, in a semi-coordinat
Page 11 and 12: true or false, are often used to di
Page 13 and 14: Look Inside: Russia’s moral trium
Page 15 and 16: Gvosdev, 40 professor of national s
Page 17 and 18: Assembly of Saint Petersburg from t
Page 19 and 20: Protection of the “Russian world
Page 21 and 22: Figure 1. The values of “Conserva
Page 23 and 24: and touristic aspects of Austria, t
Page 25 and 26: medium is published by an obscure n
Page 27 and 28: e seen necessarily as a result of d
Page 29 and 30: jobs and tourism. For this reason,
Page 31 and 32: However, following Fidesz’s abrup
Page 33 and 34: The far-right medium called the mem
Page 35 and 36: On the other hand, the former Polis
Page 37 and 38: and the Kremlin, and in 2009 he arr
Page 39 and 40: met several Duma politicians there
Page 41 and 42: Slovakia Executive Summary Support
Page 43 and 44: Media In relation to Russia, Slovak
Page 45 and 46: half-truth and obvious lies. The li
Page 47 and 48: Several Organizations have ties or
Page 49: necessity of Slovakia’s affiliati
Page 53 and 54: Pro-Russian issues Paradoxically, g
Page 55 and 56: Institutions with direct Russian in
Page 57 and 58: controversial traditionalist views:
Page 59 and 60: Ways of cooperation between domesti
Page 61 and 62: The Czech Republic Executive Summar
Page 63 and 64: Media with dominant pro-Kremlin sta
Page 65 and 66: Organization Euportal.cz Freeglobe.
Page 67 and 68: Organization Zvedavec.org Regressiv
Page 69 and 70: Non-parliamentary political parties

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