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Hong Kong's International Financial Centre: Retrospect and Prospect

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finance. 3 Not by coincidence is it often said that banking is an industry dependent on trust <strong>and</strong><br />

confidence. But the informational asymmetries that drive the phenomenon of agglomeration<br />

appear to reach certain natural limits. Information has a cost, <strong>and</strong> local financiers with specific<br />

informational advantages—the knowledge of local markets <strong>and</strong> time differences—exploit them.<br />

So, of course, do others in different localities. Thus far, therefore, the centralization process has<br />

been incomplete. We remain in a world characterized by increasingly centralized but<br />

geographically bounded financial markets, with those boundaries defined by “the tendency of<br />

governments <strong>and</strong> private persons to favor their compatriots over foreigners, even at the expense<br />

of higher cost or lower profit—an implicit or explicit mercantilist attitude.” 4 Such a tendency,<br />

Kindleberger nevertheless hypothesized, might be expected to recede over time. “The continuous<br />

reduction in the costs <strong>and</strong> difficulties of transportation <strong>and</strong> communication over the last two<br />

hundred years,” he concluded, “has favored the formation of a single world financial market.” 5<br />

In his own magisterial study of financial geography, Youssef Cassis more recently backed<br />

away from Kindleberger’s bold conclusion <strong>and</strong> simply began with the empirical observation that<br />

not one but several capitals of capital have emerged since the end of the nineteenth century.<br />

They include London <strong>and</strong> various smaller regional centres in various European capital cities,<br />

New York <strong>and</strong> several smaller <strong>and</strong> specialized US cities, Tokyo, <strong>Hong</strong> Kong, <strong>and</strong> Singapore. 6<br />

To<br />

this confined list, we might today add Shanghai, but at this moment in history such an addition<br />

would still reflect more an aspiration than an observation. As to the reasons for the emergence of<br />

these centres, Cassis emphasized the irreducible national roots of banking, debt, <strong>and</strong> equity laws,<br />

the m<strong>and</strong>ates <strong>and</strong> activities of central banks, the monetary conditions conducive to the<br />

agglomeration of financial services, <strong>and</strong> finally the ebb <strong>and</strong> flow of local economic <strong>and</strong> social<br />

conditions.<br />

In the end, it is men . . .who are the driving force behind international financial<br />

centres…[<strong>and</strong>] all these factors, both institutional <strong>and</strong> human, create an<br />

atmosphere that is unique to each financial centre <strong>and</strong> that is vital to its success,<br />

even if it is neither quantifiable nor always easy to detect. This expresses itself in<br />

the way that a centre’s premises are laid out, its traditions, its unwritten rules, its<br />

interpersonal relationships, its attitude towards the outside world <strong>and</strong> its unique<br />

culture. The development of these various factors, themselves [uniquely]<br />

influenced by changes occurring in the world political <strong>and</strong> economic order,<br />

explain the ups <strong>and</strong> downs in fortune of the world’s main financial centres. 7<br />

3 Charles Kindleberger, The Formation of <strong>Financial</strong> Centers: A Study in Comparative Economic History, Princeton<br />

Studies in <strong>International</strong> Finance, No. 36, Princeton University, Department of Economics, 1974, p. 10.<br />

4 Ibid., p. 11.<br />

5 Ibid.<br />

6 Youssef Cassis, Capitals of Capital, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006, p. 3.<br />

7 Ibid., p. 5.<br />

11

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