many belonged to whom and <strong>the</strong> purchases, sales and transfers, along with first names. While a slave’s position or health condition might be listed, this was <strong>the</strong> exception. A sales document dated 20th August 1792 marking <strong>the</strong> transfer <strong>of</strong> slaves between plantation owners Wade Stubbs and Annis Stubbs provides an example. The document shows that Annis Stubbs paid “five hundred pounds sterling” to own 12 people. The document records <strong>the</strong>ir names as George, Phabe, Jeny, Venus, Rachel, Charlott, Lucy, Jim, York, Nancy, Cathy and Darky and stipulates “with all <strong>the</strong>ir future and increase <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir bodies.” The quoted words make starkly clear <strong>the</strong> expected continuity <strong>of</strong> property through propagation and leaves no doubt about <strong>the</strong>ir belief in <strong>the</strong> perpetuation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> institution <strong>of</strong> slavery. It also lays bare <strong>the</strong> pure commercial transactional nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> practice. The Bermudian slave holders on Grand Turk, Salt Cay and South Caicos similarly tracked slaves <strong>the</strong>y used to produce salt. And both groups counted <strong>the</strong> slaves who escaped, as <strong>the</strong>se were serious monetary losses to be accounted for. In short, <strong>the</strong> lives <strong>of</strong> those held bondage were reduced to bookkeeping. For slavery to succeed, though, slaveholders had to maintain constant control through absolute power using violence or <strong>the</strong> threat <strong>of</strong> violence. We are well aware <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> brutality Bermudian slaveholders meted out to slaves who worked <strong>the</strong> salt ponds on Grand Turk through <strong>the</strong> raw and riveting firsthand account <strong>of</strong> slavery by Mary Prince. As recorded and published by abolitionists in London in <strong>the</strong> 1830s, Mary tells <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> grueling labor and torture she experienced and witnessed as a slave working <strong>the</strong> salt ponds: Then we had no sleep—no rest—but were forced to work as fast as we could, and go on again all next day <strong>the</strong> same as usual. Work—work—work—Oh that Turks Island was a horrible place! The people <strong>of</strong> England, I am sure, have never found out what is carried out <strong>the</strong>re. Cruel, horrible place! If we could not keep up with <strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gang <strong>of</strong> slaves, we were put in <strong>the</strong> stocks, and severely flogged <strong>the</strong> next morning. Mr. D—has <strong>of</strong>ten stripped me naked, hung me up by <strong>the</strong> wrists, and beat me with <strong>the</strong> cow-skin, with his own hand, till my body was raw with gashes. No such detailed account exists for <strong>the</strong> enslaved on <strong>the</strong> cotton plantations <strong>of</strong> North and Middle Caicos, Parrot Cay and Providenciales, though life was likely as harsh. Indeed, <strong>the</strong> Loyalist slaveholders would have every reason to omit accounts <strong>of</strong> violence inflicted on <strong>the</strong> enslaved in Grand Caicos. Great Britain had banned <strong>the</strong> slave trade in 1807 (not slavery itself) and put in place various laws to regulate slavery in <strong>the</strong> West Indies and elsewhere. So, at least on paper, <strong>the</strong> laws forbade some egregious practices and required some care for sick and elderly slaves. However, in <strong>the</strong> isolation <strong>of</strong> Grand Caicos, or even in <strong>the</strong> more trafficked Grand Turk, <strong>the</strong>se laws could be safely ignored as long as everyone kept quiet. Despite <strong>the</strong> paucity <strong>of</strong> written accounts <strong>of</strong> slave treatment in Grand Caicos, we can still glean a picture <strong>of</strong> slavery on <strong>the</strong>se islands through <strong>the</strong> records kept, oral history passed down and witness accounts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> brutality <strong>of</strong> slavery in <strong>the</strong> region. These are largely in sync with what Mary Prince had revealed through her abolitionist supporters. For <strong>the</strong> Loyalist enslavers, <strong>the</strong> culture <strong>of</strong> exploitation in <strong>the</strong> American South closely paralleled <strong>the</strong> one here and, thus, can serve as a historical portal into <strong>the</strong> conditions and relationships that likely existed between slaves and Loyalists. Exerting control Presbyterian minister and abolitionist John Rankin’s 1826 Letters on Slavery compellingly describes common slave treatment at <strong>the</strong> time that parallel accounts throughout <strong>the</strong> West Indies. Control meant keeping slaves hungry and desperate for food, which could easily be cut <strong>of</strong>f. From <strong>the</strong>re, as Rankin’s Letters makes clear, slaves faced painful floggings for not working hard enough, for stealing food or for no reason at all. Ratcheting up, slaveholders at times applied more severe forms <strong>of</strong> torment, including dismemberment, mutilation and burning to punish and send a message to o<strong>the</strong>rs. Notably, Rankin’s Letters recount <strong>the</strong> pouring <strong>of</strong> red pepper or turpentine into wounds and gashes, not unlike what Mary Prince saw when Bermudian slaveholders poured salt into <strong>the</strong> wounds <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> enslaved on Grand Turk. While administering <strong>the</strong>se tortures, slaveholders would actually read Biblical scripture that in <strong>the</strong>ir interpretation justified and rationalized <strong>the</strong>ir actions. Perhaps <strong>the</strong> most vivid account <strong>of</strong> this harsh reality <strong>of</strong> slavery is <strong>the</strong> book 12 Years a Slave by Solomon Northrup, published in 1853. Made into a major motion picture in 2013, it won Oscars for Best Picture, Best Adapted Screenplay and Best Supporting Actress. The book and <strong>the</strong> movie detail Mr. Northrup’s experience <strong>of</strong> going from a free man in New York to being kidnapped 48 www.timespub.tc
The painting “Am Not I A Man and a Bro<strong>the</strong>r” dates to around 1800 and features a dominant motif detailing <strong>the</strong> agonizing and insufferable treatment <strong>of</strong> slaves on a Caribbean sugar plantation during <strong>the</strong> Transatlantic Slave Trade. Based on a design commissioned by <strong>the</strong> Committee for <strong>the</strong> Abolition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Slave Trade on July 5, 1787, <strong>the</strong> painting is considered to be one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first instances <strong>of</strong> a logo designed for a political cause. It was famously used by <strong>the</strong> potter Josiah Wedgwood for his persuasive anti-slavery ceramic medallions and went on to become <strong>the</strong> dominant image <strong>of</strong> abolition campaigning in <strong>the</strong> 18th and 19th centuries. INTERNATIONAL SLAVERY MUSEUM LIVERPOOL