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DECEMBER 2011 The draft Approach Paper of the 12th Plan was approved by the cabinet and presented to the National Development Council on October 22, 2011. The paper, which projects a growth rate of 9% for the 12th Plan, envisages that inclusiveness, an idea carried over from the 11th Plan, should lead to poverty reduction, increase in health outcomes and universal access of children to schools. It further states that inclusiveness should include providing opportunities for wage employment and livelihoods, and improved provision of water, sanitation and housing. All these have implications for improving child health and reducing childhood poverty. HEALTH The observation of the paper that the National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) focused on child health and pre-natal care and that it was now necessary to expand to a wider range of conditions gives the impression that targets in child health have already been achieved and therefore we can move on. Though offering a broader set of services is important given our changing epidemiological profile, the focus on child health cannot be diminished as India still accounts for the highest proportion of child deaths in the world. The Approach Paper states that central and state government expenditure on health has increased to 1.4% of GDP in 2011-12 from less than 1% at the beginning of the 11th Plan. This calculation is based on Budget Estimates of 2011-12, whereas actual expenditures would be lower. Even otherwise, the estimated increased expenditure on health mentioned in the paper is way below the UPA government’s commitment to raise it to 3% of GDP. The paper agrees only to a rise of up to 2.5% of GDP, that too by the end of the 12th Plan, ie 2017. The paper mentions the High Level Expert Group (HLEG) on Universal Health Coverage constituted by the Planning Commission but does not give any clear commitment on the provision of universal healthcare. It says instead that the recommendations of this group will be an input for defining a “comprehensive health strategy for the next 10 years”. The accountability matrix defining the responsibilities of functionaries of the health, women and child development, water and sanitation departments at the block and habitation levels is a welcome step towards convergence of health and related services. However, to make it functional there must be a convergence in the performance of various functions at the state and district levels also. On the positive side, the 12th Plan does envisage a convergence of health and childcare services; but it is aimed at the lower levels of health and nutrition services, ie the anganwadi centre and sub-centre. In operational terms it will amount to having one ARTICLES 1. 12th Five year Plan and the Health Accredited Social Health Activist (ASHA) positioned at every anganwadi centre (AWC), who will connect the AWC to the Auxiliary Nurse Midwife (ANM) at the sub-centre. The idea to have a sub-centre in every panchayat does not appear to be offering anything new as a sub-centre is anyway supposed to exist for every 5,000 population in the plains and for every 3,000 population in the tribal and hilly areas, which works out to one for every panchayat already. The paper also promises to set up sub-centres and Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) centres in all slums to provide primary healthcare to the urban poor, which is lacking at present. This step is welcome, but the provision of primary healthcare in urban areas requires a broader urban primary healthcare system and not just sub-centres and ICDS centres. The Approach Paper promises to make healthcare delivery more consultative and inclusive of the community by increasing users’ participation through institutionalised audits, again a welcome move. But we should not forget that the community monitoring exercise under NRHM in the 11th Plan was carried out only in a few areas with strong civil society presence. A reduction of regional disparities in maternal and child health, in particular in the 264 high-focus districts, is also a programme focus already. The offer to provide funds for upgradation of primary healthcare centres (PHCs) and community healthcare centres (CHCs) to IPHS norms is also an already existing commitment of the government. The Approach Paper also mentions making district hospitals district knowledge centres for training health workers like nurses, mid-level health workers and offering courses like Bachelor of Rural Healthcare/Primary Practice. This would help provide a cadre of qualified health professionals to attend to a defined set of basic healthcare services. This is one way to get qualified practitioners in allopathy to reach India’s remote rural areas. Several examples of NGOs providing community healthcare using trained rural health workers have shown the effectiveness of such an approach. It should be implemented across the spectrum for all levels of health functionaries including medical professionals and applied to men from these communities also. In terms of financing healthcare, the paper acknowledges the high out-of-pocket health expenses of Indians and offers a twopronged approach of expanding public provisioning of healthcare and public financing of care using the private sector, but subject to appropriate regulations and oversight. Once the government becomes a buyer of a set of services from the private sector it will be in a commanding position to ensure that the private sector functions according to state regulations. In addition to expanding public provisioning and bringing publicly financed private players under a regulatory regime, the paper also envisages establishing a health insurance plan for every citizen. The details in this regard are likely to emerge from the report of the HLEG which is due in November. NUTRITION The need to restructure the ICDS focusing on the 0-3 age-group, promoting decentralisation of administration, ensuring quality, participation of women’s/mother’s groups and strengthening convergence with related schemes is clearly articulated in the paper, though the roadmap is not spelt out. The paper states that the recommendations of the inter-ministerial working group on ICDS constituted under the PM’s Nutrition Council are awaited. A shift towards family- and community-based interventions such as breastfeeding is also mentioned. In this regard a national campaign on universal breastfeeding linked to a programme for wider and enhanced provision of nutrition to breastfeeding mothers, should be taken up on a scale comparable to the erstwhile family planning programme, as this intervention is crucial for the survival of 0-6-month- old children. CONCLUSION The paper points out that India’s labour force will increase by 32% in the next two decades, while that of industrialised countries and China will decline by 4% and 5% respectively and that therefore we should reap the benefits of this demographic dividend. This would however demand that we ensure the health, nutrition and education of children who will form the labour force The paper’s emphasis on local production of drugs is a very for the coming decades. On the contrary we find that the Infant important measure as public sector drug companies have not Mortality Rate, a key indicator of health status, is at 50/1,000 live been given encouragement for several years. Drug self- births according to Sample Registration Survey (SRS) 2009, sufficiency is important in the context of the IPR regime and a published in early-2011 and is still higher at 70 and 66 declining public sector in this field, coupled with the fact that respectively in UP and MP according to the recent Annual Health several Indian private sector giants have been taken over by Survey (AHS) 2010-11. The AHS was conducted in the nine states foreign multinationals. of Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Bihar, Jharkhand, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Assam. These states The paper also deals with training and hiring women from alone account for 70% of infant deaths, 75% of under-5 deaths marginalised communities in the healthcare workforce. But this and 62% of maternal deaths in India, which demand urgent approach should not be only for ASHAs, ANMs and AWWs. attention. � 2. Euro Zone Crisis Clouds Recovery in Europe & Central Asia Economic recovery is underway in the Emerging Europe and Central Asia (ECA) region, but at a slow pace and is at risk from the troubled Eurozone, according to the World Bank at a press briefing during the World Bank/IMF Annual Meetings 2011. “Most countries in Emerging Europe and Central Asia have recovered from the global economic crisis, but growth has returned at lower rates than pre-crisis trends in most of the region. The region is expected to record a real growth rate of 4.3 percent in 2011, which is one of the lowest of any developing region,” said Philippe Le Houérou, World Bank Vice President for the Europe and Central Asia Region. ”The slow recovery in the region may be establishing a ‘new normal’ of lower economic growth rates in many of the region’s countries.” Le Houérou cautioned, ”The sovereign debt problems in Western Europe pose challenges to the sustainability of this relatively tepid recovery. The Eastern Europe and Central Asia region is especially dependent on Western Europe as an export market and a source of finance and migrant remittances, so slower growth in the West will hurt. The region’s strong financial linkages to Western Europe, which were a source of growth during the boom years in Central and Eastern Europe, are now a source of vulnerability for some countries.” According to the briefing, most countries in the region have recovered the output losses suffered during the 2008-9 global economic crisis. In fact, GDP remains below its 2007 level in only eight out of 30 ECA countries. Helped by high commodity prices, the countries farther to the east in the region have done much better since the crisis than those to the west. But ECA’s recovery signals a lower growth gradient than the pre-crisis rates. There has been a noticeable reduction in growth prospects: countries in the region may need to prepare for growth rates that are 2 percentage points of GDP less than what they were before the global crisis. Job losses remain a concern throughout the region Unemployment increased significantly during the crisis ¯ in 2008 it was about 10 percent, while as of about early 2011, the overall unemployment rate for the region is at 13 percent. Meanwhile, youth unemployment remains a particular concern at 27 percent. To address this, governments have been trying to limit the effects of the crisis on labor markets through a wide range of employment programs. Some jobs are returning and unemployment has dropped since the early 2010 peak, with only a few exceptions (Bulgaria, Croatia, Slovenia, Moldova, and Hungary). But the job turnaround will remain gradual even if the economic recovery is sustained. Increases in output per worker are driven by increases in hours worked, but these are still below their precrisis levels. Therefore, the room for further increases in productivity and hours worked could delay the recovery in employment. Public finances have weakened, especially in the west The global crisis has had a severe negative impact on public finances. During pre-crisis times, structural fiscal imbalances were masked by revenue over-performance, as buoyant economies yielded more taxes than governments often expected. During the crisis, there was sharp fiscal deterioration in most countries in the region. Public debt has gone up in many countries, leaving governments less room to counter any economic slowdown than they had in 2007. Fiscal adjustment has often been in the form of ad hoc expenditure cuts. The immediate challenge in many countries is to begin more systematic fiscal consolidations that are socially sustainable and growth-friendly. Most countries in the region have to prepare for aging populations, which are adding to the fiscal pressures in health care and pension expenditures even as the economic turbulence over the last three years has left governments deeper in debt. Banking flows have been stable in the west but have fallen in the east According the briefing, financial flows have been stable in Central and Southeastern Europe, but have not been growing. Western European banks have so far maintained operations in the member and candidate countries of the European Union. In the countries further to the east, including oil and commodity exporters, there have been pullbacks, with the developments in these economies mimicking those in East Asia during the 1997-98 crisis. The decline in credit to firms and households from pre-crisis levels was sharp, but necessary in some countries. While credit has been slow to recover, there are encouraging signs in most countries in the region. Only five countries in the region are still experiencing contractions in credit. Risks are rising again The main risk is that of spillovers from the sovereign debt crisis in some of the Euro area economies. The rescue packages have not assured markets, and uncertainty has spread to larger economies. The sovereign debt problems in southern Europe and Ireland can affect the region in both direct and indirect ways, operating through both financial and nonfinancial transmission channels. Given the importance of Greek banks in the Balkans and Italian banks in Central Europe, any problems they have would have direct effects in those countries. Some of the banks most active in emerging Europe ¯ especially those based in Austria and Sweden ¯ have limited exposure in Greece, Italy, Ireland, Portugal, and Spain, but interconnectedness on funding markets could result in adverse consequences. Western European countries are the most important trade partners for most countries in the region, and weaker economic prospects in Europe will dampen their recovery. There are already signs of declines in export demand. Export levels in 2011 were expected to be above those reached in 2008, but recovery of exports has so far been sluggish. Now a slowdown in global activity has increased the downside risks, most sharply for countries with close economic linkages with the Eurozone. According to Indermit Gill, World Bank Chief Economist for the Europe and Central Asia Region, ”Governments in Emerging Europe have to again become fiscally resilient. Public debt buffers have shrunk in most of the region. With the sovereign debt crisis in advanced economies, markets are paying more attention to fiscal vulnerabilities. They have to do this now, both to prepare for a possible economic slowdown and to deal with the rising fiscal burden of pensions and healthcare of aging populations. Much of the region needs to make transparent plans for reforming public expenditures, and begin implementing them soon.” Gill emphasized that, “The most pressing problem facing many countries is persistently pervasive joblessness. The private sector has to be freed to generate economic growth and jobs ¯ the rules and regulatory structures for doing business can be greatly improved with no additional expense for taxpayers. With almost a third of all young adults out of work, governments in the region should put the modernization of labor market regulations and social welfare systems at the top of their reform agenda. Such structural reforms to increase entrepreneurship and inclusion are simultaneously an immediate, medium-term, and long-run priority.” The World Bank is supporting the recovery World Bank support reached $6.1 billion this fiscal year, including $5.5 billion from the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) and $650 million from the International Development Association (IDA). Turkey ($1.4 billion), Romania ($1.1 billion), and Poland ($1.1 billion) were the largest borrowers. The sectors receiving the most funding were energy and mining ($1.9 billion), public administration ($1.7 billion), and health and social services ($1.2 billion). Along with funding, the Bank provides over 180 economic and technical reports every year in the Emerging Europe and Central Asia region to inform government reform efforts and prioritize its own financial support. It offers analytical support and encouragement to governments to improve labor market and social security systems and expand selected social safety net programs. The Bank is advising governments on how to fix less efficient public programs and improve social services so that their benefits reach those who need them most. � CHANGE THE ONLY CONSTANT THING : We Bring You More Informative And Detailed Coverage Every Month 42
DECEMBER 2011 3. The Truth About the Situation in Libya Libya is a small country of just over six million people, but it possesses the largest oil reserves in all of Africa. The oil produced there is especially coveted because of its particularly high quality. As of writing US Air Force along with Britain and France has carried out 7,459 bombing attacks since March 19. Britain, France and the United States sent special operation ground forces and commando units to direct the military operations of the so-called rebel fighters – it is a NATO-led army in the field. The troops may be disaffected Libyans, but the operation is under the control and direction of NATO commanders and Western commando units who serve as “advisors”. Their new weapons and billions in funds come from the US and other NATO powers that froze and seized Libya’s assets in Western banks. Their only military successes outside of Benghazi, in the far east of the country, have been exclusively based on the coordinated air and ground operations of the imperialist NATO military forces. In military terms, Libya’s resistance to NATO is of David and Goliath proportions. US military spending alone is more than 10 times greater than Libya’s entire annual Gross Domestic Product (GDP) which was US$74.2 billion in 2010, according to the CIA’s World Fact Book. In recent weeks, the NATO military operations used surveillancecollecting drones, satellites, mounting aerial attacks and covert commando units to decapitate Libya’s military and political leadership and its command and control capabilities. Global economic sanctions meant that the country was suddenly deprived of income and secure access to goods and services needed to sustain a civilian economy over a long period. “The cumulative effect [of NATO’s coordinated air and ground operation] not only destroyed Libya’s military infrastructure but also greatly diminished Colonel Gaddafi’s commanders to control forces, leaving even committed fighting units unable to move, resupply or coordinate operations,” according to the New York Times in a celebratory article on August 22. A FALSE PRETEXT The United States, Britain, France, and Italy targeted the Libyan government for overthrow or “regime change” not because these governments were worried about protecting civilians or to bring about a more democratic form of governance in Libya. If that were the real motivation of the NATO powers, they could start the bombing of Saudi Arabia right away. There are no elections in Saudi Arabia. The monarchy does not even allow women to drive cars. By law, women must be fully covered in public or they will go to prison. Protests are rare in Saudi Arabia because any dissent is met with imprisonment, torture and execution. The Saudi monarchy is protected by US imperialism because it is part of an undeclared but real US sphere of influence and it is the largest producer of oil in the world. The US attitude toward the Saudi monarchy was put succinctly by Ronald Reagan in 1981, when he said that the US government “will not permit” revolution in Saudi Arabia such as the 1979 Iranian revolution that removed the US client regime of the Shah. Reagan’s message was clear: the Pentagon and CIA’s military forces would be used decisively to destroy any democratic movement against the rule of the Saudi royal family. Reagan’s explicit statement in 1981 has, in fact, been the policy of every successive US administration, including the current one. LIBYA AND IMPERIALISM Libya, unlike Saudi Arabia, did have a revolution against its monarchy. As a result of the 1969 revolution led by Muammar Gaddafi, Libya was no longer in the sphere of influence of any imperialist country. Libya had once been an impoverished colony of Italy living under the boot heel of the fascist Mussolini. After the Allied victory in World War II, control of the country was formally transferred to the United Nations and Libya became independent in 1951 with authority vested in the monarch King Idris. But in actuality, Libya was controlled by the United States and Britain until the 1969 revolution. One of the first acts of the 1969 revolution was to eliminate the vestiges of colonialism and foreign control. Not only were oil fields nationalised, but Gaddafi also eliminated foreign military bases inside the country. In March of 1970, the Gaddafi government shut down two important British military bases in Tobruk and El Adem. He then became the Pentagon’s enemy when he evicted the US Wheelus Air Force Base near Tripoli that had been operated by the United States since 1945. Before the British military took control in 1943, the facility was a base operated by the Italians under Mussolini. Wheelus had been an important Strategic Air Command base during the Cold War, housing B-52 bombers and other front-line Pentagon aircrafts that targeted the Soviet Union. Once under Libyan control, the Gaddafi government allowed Soviet military planes to access the airfield. In 1986, the Pentagon heavily bombed the base at the same time it bombed downtown Tripoli in an effort to assassinate Gaddafi. That effort failed, but his two-year-old daughter died along with scores of other civilians. THE CHARACTER OF THE GADDAFI REGIME The political, social and class orientation of the Libyan regime has gone through several stages in the last four decades. The government and ruling establishment reflected contradictory class, social, religious and regional antagonisms. The fact that the leadership of the NATO-led National Transition Council is comprised of top officials of the Gaddafi government, who broke with Gaddafi and allied themselves with NATO, is emblematic of the decades-long instability within the Libyan establishment. These inherent contradictions were exacerbated by pressures applied to Libya from the outside. The US imposed far-reaching economic sanctions on Libya in the 1980s. The largest western corporations were barred from doing business with Libya and the country was denied access to credit from Western banks. In its foreign policy, Libya gave significant financial and military support to national liberation struggles, including in Palestine, Southern Africa, Ireland and elsewhere. Because of Libya’s economic policies, living standards for the population had jumped dramatically after 1969. Having a small population and substantial income from its oil production, augmented with the Gaddafi regime’s far-reaching policy of social benefits, created a huge advance in the social and economic status for the population. Libya was still a class society with rich and poor, and gaps between urban and rural living standards, but illiteracy was basically wiped out, while education and health care were free and extensively accessible. By 2010, the per capita income in Libya was near the highest in Africa at US$14,000 and life expectancy rose to over 77 years. Gaddafi’s political orientation explicitly rejected communism and capitalism. He created an ideology called the “Third International Theory,” which was an eclectic mix of Islamic, Arab nationalist and socialist ideas and programs. In 1977, Libya was renamed the Great Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. A great deal of industry, including oil, was nationalised and the government provided an expansive social insurance program or what is called a welfare state policy akin to some features prevalent in the Soviet Union and some West European capitalist countries. But Libya was not a workers’ state or a “socialist government”. The revolution was not a workers’ and peasant rebellion against the capitalist class per se. As in many developing, formerly colonised countries, state ownership of property was not “socialist” but rather a necessary fortification of an under-developed capitalist class. State property in Iraq, Libya and other such post-colonial regimes was designed to facilitate the social and economic growth of a new capitalist ruling class that was initially too weak, too deprived of capital and too cut off from international credit to compete on its own terms with the dominant sectors of world monopoly capitalism. The nascent capitalist classes in such developing economies promoted state-owned property, under their control, in order to intersect with Western banks and transnational corporations and create more favourable terms for global trade and investment. The end of the Soviet Union and the socialist bloc governments of central and Eastern Europe in 1989-91 deprived Libya of an economic and military counter-weight to the United States, and the Libyan government’s domestic economic and foreign policy shifted towards accommodation with the West. In the 1990s, some sectors of the Libyan economic establishment and the Gaddafi-led government favoured privatisation, cutting back on social programs and subsidies and integration into western European markets. The earlier populism incrementally gave way to the adoption of neo-liberal policies. This was, however, a long process. In 2004, the George W Bush administration ended sanctions on Libya. Western oil companies and banks and other corporations initiated huge direct investments in Libya and trade with Libyan enterprises. There was also a growth of unemployment in Libya and in cutbacks in social spending, leading to further inequality between rich and poor, and to class polarisation. But Gaddafi himself was still considered a thorn in the side of the imperialist powers. They want absolute puppets, not simply partners, in their plans for exploitation. The Wikileaks release of State Department cables between 2007 and 2010 show that the United States and Western oil companies were condemning Gaddafi for what they called “resource nationalism”. Gaddafi even threatened to re-nationalise Western oil companies’ property unless Libya was granted a larger share of the revenue for their projects. As a recent article in the New York Times business section said honestly: “Colonel Gaddafi proved to be a problematic partner for the international oil companies, frequently raising fees and taxes and making other demands. A new government with close ties to NATO may be an easier partner for Western nations to deal with.” Even the most recent CIA Fact Book publication on Libya, written before the armed revolt championed by NATO, complained of the measured tempo of pro-market reforms in Libya: “Libya faces a long road ahead in liberalising the socialist-oriented economy, but initial steps – including applying for WTO membership, reducing some subsidies, and announcing plans for privatization – are laying the groundwork for a transition to a more marketbased economy.” The beginning of the armed revolt on February 23 by disaffected members of the Libyan military and political establishment provided the opportunity for the US imperialists, in league with their French and British counterparts, to militarily overthrow the Libyan government and replace it with a client or stooge regime. Of course, in the revolt were workers and young people who had many legitimate grievances against the Libyan government. But what is critical in an armed struggle for state power is not the composition of the rank-and-file soldiers, but the class character and political orientation of the leadership. CHARACTER OF THE NATIONAL TRANSITION COUNCIL The National Transitional Council (NTC) constituted itself as the leadership of the uprising in Benghazi, Libya’s second largest city. The central leader is Mustafa Abdel-Jalil, who was Libya’s Minister of Justice until his defection at the start of the uprising. He was one of a significant number of Western-oriented and neo-liberal officials from Libya’s government, diplomatic corps and military ranks who joined the opposition in the days immediately after the start of the revolt. As soon as it was established, the NTC began issuing calls for imperialist intervention. These appeals became increasingly panicked as it became clear that, contrary to early predictions that the Gaddafi-led government would collapse in a matter of days, it was the “rebels” who faced imminent defeat in the civil war. In fact, it was only due to the US/NATO bombing campaign, initiated with great hurry on March 19, that the rebellion did not collapse. The last five months of war have erased any doubt about the pro-imperialist character of the NTC. One striking episode took place on April 22, when Senator John McCain made a “surprise” trip to Benghazi. A huge banner was unveiled to greet him with an American flag printed on it and the words: “United States of America: You have a new ally in North Africa.” Similar to the military relationship between the NATO and Libyan “rebel” armed forces, the NTC is entirely dependent on and subordinated to the US, French, British and Italian imperialist governments. If the Pentagon, CIA, and Wall Street succeed in installing a client regime in Tripoli, it will accelerate and embolden the imperialist threats and intervention against other independent governments, such as Syria and Venezuela. In each case we will see a similar process unfold, including the demonization of the leadership of the targeted countries so as to silence or mute a militant anti-war response to the aggression of the war-makers. � 4. Indo-Tibetan Border Police Force: A Force Par Excellence Indo-Tibetan Border Police Force (ITBPF) was raised on 24 th October 1962 after the Indo-China conflict to guard the northern borders of the country. Incredible though it may appear, ITBP which took off as a micro outfit with just 4 battalions has grown to gigantic proportions with 45 service battalions and 4 specialized battalions. This month the Force enters golden jubilee year of its formation. The raison d’etre of the ITB Police is guarding and policing the Indo-Tibet Border, providing a sense of security to the border populace, VIP security and internal security duties, disaster management etc. A solid 3488 km of staggering mountains with an astounding variety of shaky heights ranging between 9000 to 18700 feet from mean sea level (MSL), chilly locales where mercury plummets to 45 degree C below zero, bottomless gorges, enchanting ravines, tempestuous rivers, perfidious glaciers, craggy steeps, lurking natural hazards-that is the typical theatre of operation ITBP men and officers spend a lion share of their services career in. It extends from Karakorum pass (old trade route to Tibet in J&K) to Diphu La in Arunachal Pradesh. Role of the Force The Force saw action in the Indo-Pak conflicts in 1965. It fought the enemy away from the designated theatre of a war, conducted combing operation to annihilate Pakistani infiltrators and paratroopers and guarded vital installations. In the 1971 war, two of its battalions performed the special tasks of sealing certain areas/gaps detection and destruction of infiltrators’ bases in the Srinagar valley and Poonch sector, a maiden mission which earned plaudit. National imperatives in 1978 redefined the Force’s role and what followed was a change in its basic nature. Multifarious tasks were handed over to it making it a multi dimensional force. ITBP protects the IB in its area of responsibility, joins them in controlling trans-border crime and intelligence collection, interrogates smugglers and infiltrators and conducts joint patrolling along the international border/LAC. ITBPF functions in close synchronisation with army in sensitive areas. In peace time, it attunes and gears itself professionally to meet the real challenges as and when they are put to face. The borders guarding duties in the Eastern sector is more challenging and harsh than in the western and middle due to scanty road connectivity. Apart from border guarding, the Force is also performing Internal security duties in the north eastern states. ITBP has its forward posts much ahead of the other Forces, in higher altitudes. ITBP personnel have to constantly fight against blizzards, avalanches, and land-slides. Additional Responsibilities Till 1982, this Force kept its activities confined to the Himalayas, but sensing the pulse of the time and setting the sights high, the personnel of this force were also trained and suitably equipped to take on other challenges as well. The ITBPF performed the most delicate yet high risk security duties during the ASIAD 1982 wherein its personnel were engaged in providing fool proof security cover to the various stadia, contingents of different countries as well as Games village Complex and to various VVIPs. ITBP Ethos ITBPF ethos are succinctly expressed in its logo i.e. chivalry, steadfastness commitment. An ITBPean is true to his salt, steadfast in duty, and undeterred by adverse conditions, manmade, or nature-made. His creed: improvisation and maximum utilisation of resources at hand. ITBP has made an epoch making entry into the North-East as it was assigned the responsibility of the Eastern Sector of Indo- China Borders in Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh, in 2003 in pursuance to GOM’s recommendation, i.e. ‘One Border, One Force.’ Training Personnel for Tough Tasks By virtue of the role assigned to this Force at initial stages, the area of its activities remained in the wild and vertical world of the Himalayas where mighty forces of the nature rule supreme. Though policing the frontier against the hostile elements from across the border was not much of the problem with adequate training to the personal, but the most challenging task was to survive in such inhospitable places. cont.... CHANGE THE ONLY CONSTANT THING : We Bring You More Informative And Detailed Coverage Every Month 43
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