Leadership in Local Politics of Cambodia: A Study of ... - CDRI

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here have gained legitimacy mainly through their networks in the private sphere, unlike men
leaders, most of whom continue to lead because they have had previous leadership experience
and status and have built important administrative networks.
4.4.2. Social, Religious and Spiritual Leaders
These leaders have established strong horizontal relationships among their peers and with
the villagers. It was observed that village and commune leaders have good interactions and
relationships with them and are often seeking their cooperation. These ���������and achar
often have good connections with almost every actor, including those from higher levels,
especially politicians. As pagodas now need networks to attract contributions, achar have been
playing an increasing role in networking. Strong achar are able to seek resources from district
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the local oknha. I request their contributions for the annual religious ceremonies and
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(�����, commune A, interview, 24/4/2008).
They also create networks with other wat committees (of different regions) to raise funds for
such things as funeral ceremonies of the abbots.
The striking point of their networking, in particular for religious leaders, is how they can
forge links with the ruling party’s patrons. As Cambodia has adopted a democratic path, which
automatically makes elections important tools for political parties to gain legitimacy, pagodas
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recent years, achar become important bridges linking people, through their pagodas, to ruling
party patrons. This form of newly emerging modern fund raising allowed many pagodas to
beautify themselves. It is clear what the CPP expects to receive from those religious leaders.
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pressed by the party patrons.
I am more than informed about what His Excellency wants—votes—but I have to keep
my mouth shut and do not act against him. (�����, commune A, interview, 25/4/2008)
I am often told by the excellency to inform the local elders to vote for his party if we
wish to get more support for the temple construction. (�����, commune B, interview,
30/5/2008)
From what they say, achar need to comply with the indirect orders of party patrons; if they do
not, they risk losing the golden opportunity to attract funding for their pagodas. The prominent
achar of commune A proudly tells us that he is probably the only achar in Cambodia who is
able to build a temple within four years. While it is true that he is capable of completing the
work within a short period, without the party’s policy to favour pagoda development, he would
not be able to be such a competent network builder.
The outstanding issue of achar networks thus centres mostly on the ruling party and its important
politicians because they are the main source of supply for local pagoda development. Another
point worth noting is that achar tend to have good relations with the local authorities and the
villagers at large.