Leadership in Local Politics of Cambodia: A Study of ... - CDRI

62
�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������
CDRI
In fact, I did not want to get involved in village leadership; it consumes a lot of time and
energy. But the commune chief and even the district governor placed their trust in me
and “begged” me to work, so I could not say no. (Ta Mut, village chief, commune B,
interview, 30/5/2008)
�������� ����������� ��� ���� ����������� ��� ������������ �������� ����� ���� ������ ��������� ������
leaders can easily seek scholarships for their children’s university education; otherwise, given
their economic status, the fees pose enormous constraints. Councillors, especially the chiefs,
���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������
selling common land. They can also receive informal rents for signing paperwork.
Some leaders’ family members use the leaders’ power to make money; for instance, the wife
of an SRP council member in the above province managed to act as a middleperson for land
deals because her husband’s work helped her know more about the village and commune land
situation, and his status helped her win trust from outside speculators.
Another common leadership motivation is gratitude to the ruling party, which they say has
saved their lives. To the Khmer, gratitude to a person who has offered assistance is socially
necessary and valued. Not returning gratitude to a giver is socially unacceptable and shameful.
A receiver is often afraid of getting into trouble in their life if they don’t repay the gratitude
they owe (see more in Kim 2001).
Without that liberation day [7 January 1979], we would not have today. That gratitude
is a big one, and we owe that and we have to pay it back. Even receiving a meal means
we owe gratitude. Based on our culture, not returning gratitude is not acceptable. (Ming
Nan, deputy village chief, commune B, interview, 28/5/2008)
Lastly, a few leaders told us that they are nationalistic and willing to serve their community;
however, such commitment is unlikely to be sustainable since they claimed to be working for
nationalistic reasons but at the same time complained about the meagre salary and showed little
commitment to stay.
������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������
about face and pride. They are proud to be leaders and breadwinners. They tend to derive
��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������
��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������
her position, but her children were able to escape conscription during the 1980s.
4.5.2. Social, Religious and Spiritual Leaders
The general enthusiasm of these leaders is developing the community, continuing the leadership
status of their predecessors and building merit or good karma, which is important for both this
and the next life.
Social, religious and spiritual leaders have usually lived in their villages for most of their lives
and have a strong attachment to their locality. Further, most of them have anchored their lives
to the religious sphere (a common pattern for Khmer elders) and are enthusiastic about serving
this area as well as the younger generation of villagers. However, some distinctions were found
between ���������and achar. The elders mainly work to serve and help villagers and the pagoda
from enthusiasm to build their community and to live up to their status as respected elders and
models. ������may have similar motivations, but for some it is also about competition and
reputation. Some other possible motivations, unmentioned by achar interviewees, were also