Leadership in Local Politics of Cambodia: A Study of ... - CDRI

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I approached all the big people, not just those from the CPP or SRP or Kem Sokha for
resource support for my commune. But the only one who responded and helped was the
CPP. (Ta Dam, C1, commune C, interview, 11/4/2008)
Thus it is within the interest of both parties since the authorities as well as traditional leaders,
and perhaps villagers, are grateful for the support of politicians who help boost their legitimacy
while the politicians wish to keep villages dependent on their support.
In summary, elders and achar have to negotiate less with villagers and external actors in
performing their roles; their legitimacy is largely unquestioned because it is based upon strong
traditional norms. Conformity to idealised models is perhaps easier for elders because the
realm in which they operate—spirituality and ritual—is relatively uncontested. Although they
sometimes assist villagers in the secular realm, they are not exposed to great expectations in
this area. Consequently, they can play a complementary role to state leaders in community
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and widespread party funding is for pagodas and local infrastructure development and the level
of politicisation the situation creates.
5.1.3. Economic-Political Leaders
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from recent economic transformations under weak state institutions. They have forged good
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business success of these thauke. They are the major funding support to provincial and national
politicians; they accompany politicians during election campaigns and visits to local electoral
bases. Similar stories are found in neighbouring countries. Thailand is an example; in Rayong
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(Tamada 1991) clearly show how political and economic leaders depend on and serve one
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�������������������������������������������������unoccupied at his house or business. They move
around the area and across provinces for their businesses. They are extremely busy individuals
who are often involved in not a few projects, and sometimes not only in one commune but
across provinces, including Phnom Penh.
Mainly they gain legitimacy from their family standing and background in the community,
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the activities of the aloof and grass-roots economic leaders within the three communes.
It will be recalled from section 2.3 that the ������ in commune A, through his business,
provides employment to the villagers and also provides villagers and local authorities material
assistance when asked. He is recognised by villagers as generous even though his businesses
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reaching the commune.
The gasoline business owner in commune C distributes to smaller sellers in the community.
He also owns bulldozers and heavy equipment that villagers can hire. He provides both cash
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