07.04.2013 Views

Churchill, Palestine and Zionism, 1904-1922 - Douglas J. Feith

Churchill, Palestine and Zionism, 1904-1922 - Douglas J. Feith

Churchill, Palestine and Zionism, 1904-1922 - Douglas J. Feith

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

<strong>Palestine</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Zionism</strong>, <strong>1904</strong>-<strong>1922</strong> 243<br />

sign was the degree to which <strong>Churchill</strong> deferred to Samuel in the formulation<br />

of the major premises for British policy in <strong>Palestine</strong>. Even though<br />

the colonial secretary doubted Samuel's judgment <strong>and</strong> resolve, he allowed<br />

himself to be guided by Samuel, who was in turn guided by his own<br />

subordinates.<br />

HERBERT SAMUEL AND THE DUAL PROMISE<br />

In his nine months as high commissioner, through intercourse with his<br />

staff <strong>and</strong> the local Arab community, Samuel grew increasingly solicitous<br />

of Arab fears about Jewish immigration <strong>and</strong> an eventual Jewish majority<br />

in <strong>Palestine</strong>. As an official in London, his thinking about <strong>Palestine</strong> had<br />

focused on facilitating <strong>Zionism</strong>. As an official in Jerusalem, he concentrated<br />

on preserving domestic tranquillity, which meant, in essence, trying<br />

to pacify the Arab population. He did not view it as his purpose to press<br />

on Arab minds the harsh reality that his government's national home<br />

policy intended to encourage Jewish immigration so that the Jews could<br />

transform their homel<strong>and</strong> into a country where they could enjoy majority<br />

status. On the contrary, he sought to assuage Arab opposition to British<br />

policy by obscuring that policy's goals <strong>and</strong> by asserting that the Balfour<br />

Declaration was a dual promise to the Jewish people <strong>and</strong> the Arab people.<br />

Both peoples, he said, must be deemed prime beneficiaries of the m<strong>and</strong>ate,<br />

not just with respect to m<strong>and</strong>ate <strong>Palestine</strong> as a whole (in which more than<br />

three-quarters of the territory was already reserved exclusively for the<br />

Arabs), but even in western <strong>Palestine</strong>.<br />

Samuel's reading of the Balfour Declaration was more convenient than<br />

true. As originally promulgated <strong>and</strong> incorporated in the m<strong>and</strong>ate, the<br />

declaration was for <strong>and</strong> about "the Jewish people." Neither the language<br />

regarding the "civil <strong>and</strong> religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities,"<br />

nor the relevant war cabinet debate, nor the San Remo decision,<br />

supports the notion that the declaration was addressing the Jewish people<br />

<strong>and</strong> the Arab people equally or about the same things. The word "Arab"<br />

appears nowhere in it (<strong>and</strong> nowhere in the m<strong>and</strong>ate, for that matter). The<br />

declaration was not a promise that <strong>Palestine</strong>-much less western <strong>Palestine</strong><br />

a note that revealed his low estimate of the importance of his own Middle Eastern <strong>and</strong><br />

other responsibilities: "You may say anything you like about the Colonial Office that is<br />

sincerely meant; but there is no comparison between these vital foreign matters wh[ich)<br />

affect the whole future of the world <strong>and</strong> the mere departmental topics with wh[ich) the<br />

Colonial Office is concerned." WSC IV C 1543.

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!