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Reluctant Gangsters - London Borough of Hillingdon

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Two quite distinct communities are emerging within the sector<br />

with quite pr<strong>of</strong>ound differences in lifestyles and culture. At<br />

one end there are the established elderly residents, who have<br />

lived in social housing all their lives and who remember a time<br />

when having a council home was a desirable goal. At the<br />

other end are the new, younger residents, frequently suffering<br />

from multiple problems: unemployment, poverty, poor work<br />

skills and perhaps mental illness and drug abuse as well.<br />

As a result, whereas at the beginning <strong>of</strong> the 1980s the average<br />

household income <strong>of</strong> council house residents was 73% <strong>of</strong> the<br />

national average, at the beginning <strong>of</strong> the 1990s this had fallen to<br />

48%. By 1995, over 50% <strong>of</strong> what had been council households had<br />

no breadwinner (Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 1995). By 1997,<br />

25% <strong>of</strong> the children and young people under 16 in the UK were<br />

living in these neighbourhoods.<br />

Waltham Forest is one <strong>of</strong> the most deprived <strong>London</strong> boroughs.<br />

Sixty-one <strong>of</strong> the borough’s ‘super output’ areas are amongst the<br />

most deprived 20% in England and Wales and 23 are in the top 5%.<br />

Unsurprisingly, most <strong>of</strong> these areas, located in Cathall, High Street,<br />

Leyton, Wood Street, Hoe Street, Leytonstone, Lea Bridge and<br />

Valley wards, have particularly high rates <strong>of</strong> crime in general and<br />

street crime and drug dealing in particular, and are home to the<br />

Waltham Forest gangs.<br />

Neighbourhood Destabilisation<br />

This income polarisation was mirrored in the housing market. The<br />

the Right to Buy and Tenant Incentive Schemes precipitated a<br />

‘secession <strong>of</strong> the successful’ as, increasingly, the economically<br />

active vacated what became known as ‘social housing’ to be<br />

replaced by the socially disadvantaged (Page 1993, Hope 1994). As<br />

Malcolm Dean (1997) observes:<br />

This happened despite the warnings <strong>of</strong> housing pr<strong>of</strong>essionals<br />

about the problems which public housing projects generated<br />

when they were confined to the poor, the unemployed and the<br />

elderly.<br />

This meant that many local authorities, including Waltham Forest,<br />

were left with the worst housing stock and the most needy tenants<br />

(KI.25, 32,33,34).<br />

In response, at the turn <strong>of</strong> the century, the housing authorities in<br />

Waltham Forest embarked upon an ambitious programme <strong>of</strong><br />

neighbourhood regeneration on some <strong>of</strong> the poorest housing estates<br />

in the borough. However, this ostensibly positive initiative had the<br />

15

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