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Working Paper on Irrealis, Imperative Mode and Complementation ...

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<strong>on</strong> the point of Ø-pinch neck-pro3 Br’er her<strong>on</strong> by-OBL-DIS-DEF crab<br />

“On the point of being pinched the neck of the her<strong>on</strong> by the crab...”<br />

Here we find an unmarked m<strong>on</strong>omorphemic base (supit, pinch) whose complement<br />

(tӗnggӗknya si baka, the neck of the her<strong>on</strong>) is a patient, while the agent is expressed in a byphrase<br />

(de-nikang yuyu, “by the crab”). Once again we appear to see here a feature of n<strong>on</strong>formal<br />

languages, where the semantic role of the major complement of a VP can be in<br />

unmarked form without any loss of meaning. This c<strong>on</strong>trast of a linkage of morphological<br />

cross-referencing with formal language, <strong>and</strong> a relative lack of morphological marking with<br />

n<strong>on</strong>-formal speech has been the subject of numerous articles <strong>on</strong> Malay by Geoffrey<br />

Benjamin. In his paper of (1993) he speaks of a c<strong>on</strong>trast between a “c<strong>on</strong>densed”mode of<br />

langauge that is also “event-focussed” <strong>and</strong> to be associated with the pragmatic c<strong>on</strong>cerns of<br />

everyday life. He c<strong>on</strong>trasts this with an “articulated” mode that is “participant-focussed”,<br />

typical of high status or “st<strong>and</strong>ard” varieties of language usually associated with the political<br />

center, <strong>and</strong> (for Malay) marked by a reliance <strong>on</strong> voice-marking <strong>and</strong> related morphology that<br />

plays a much str<strong>on</strong>ger role in the “articulated” mode than in ‘everyday speech’.<br />

115)<br />

lah wus mangko tӗkeng talaga in-uwa(a)akӗn-a<br />

EMPH PERF now-MED arrive-LOC-DEF lake UV2-release-Tr2-IRR<br />

gulu mami de-nta<br />

neck pro1-poss by-pro2<br />

“Now then, (we have) already arrived now at the lake, let my neck be released by you.”<br />

In (113) we saw a case where what appears to be a (negative) direct imperative (aywa salahakӗn,<br />

d<strong>on</strong>’t do wr<strong>on</strong>g) takes a patient argument as its main complement, but is devoid of<br />

(primary) voice-marking morphology. In this example the complement of the irrealis form<br />

uwakӗna is a patient (gulu mami, my neck) <strong>and</strong> the erstwhile agent is (again) expressed in a<br />

by-phrase (de-nta, by you). In this case we can read uwakӗna as an irrealis form with “mild<br />

imperative” force, <strong>and</strong> can thus make a more “traditi<strong>on</strong>al” analysis based <strong>on</strong> deleti<strong>on</strong> of the<br />

UV2 marker under c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s of irrealis. However, the prevalence of unmarked<br />

m<strong>on</strong>omorphemic bases in samples that appear to reflect the patterns of “ordinary speech”<br />

means that we may be over-interpreting here, <strong>and</strong> that the uwakӗna should be analyzed as Øuwa-Tr2-IRR.<br />

The problem that arises here brings to mind Kroeger’s (1998:5) objecti<strong>on</strong>s to some parts of<br />

Foley’s (1998) argument for a “cross-linguistic correlati<strong>on</strong> between [...] two properties, i.e.<br />

pre-categorial roots <strong>and</strong> symmetric voice systems”:<br />

T. Hunter, ISLOJ <str<strong>on</strong>g>Working</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>Paper</str<strong>on</strong>g>, 29 May 09, page 50

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