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South African Choral Music (Amakwaya): Song, Contest and the ...

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Introduction<br />

<strong>Amakwaya</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Aspect of Identity<br />

It was early 2000 when I had a brief telephone conversation with Sibongile Khumalo, <strong>the</strong> daughter<br />

of <strong>the</strong> late Khabi Mngoma. I phoned her to ask permission to access some of her fa<strong>the</strong>r's material.<br />

However, I never got to that point. After I had introduced myself <strong>and</strong> told her that my research was<br />

about amakwqya, she asked me why, since we were talking in English, I had used this Zulu word<br />

amakwqya. She insisted that choral music of black choirs was not different from o<strong>the</strong>r choral music.<br />

Unfortunately after that argument I never had <strong>the</strong> opportunity to discuss matters in more depth<br />

with her. However, without knowing it, she gave my research an important direction. On <strong>the</strong> surface,<br />

our interchange might appear to be about terminology, but when I started looking into <strong>the</strong><br />

history of this <strong>South</strong> <strong>African</strong> choral tradition in more detail, I found an answer to Khumalo's emotional<br />

response. It was only <strong>the</strong>n that I started to realise <strong>the</strong> close relation of this tradition to <strong>the</strong><br />

identity issue that has haunted <strong>the</strong> <strong>African</strong> middle class.<br />

During my involvement with different choral groups, I became aware of significant differences<br />

between those who chose to sing in amakwqya groups, <strong>and</strong> those who were involved in o<strong>the</strong>r forms<br />

of choral music. Amakwqya groups had a specific identity, which <strong>the</strong> choristers, <strong>the</strong> conductor <strong>and</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> organisers were eager to impress on <strong>the</strong>ir audiences. To this end, <strong>the</strong>y used four main means of<br />

expression in that performance practice: music, lyrics, dance, <strong>and</strong> dress.<br />

On reflection, I began to suspect that <strong>the</strong> identity exhibited by present day amakwqya groups to a<br />

high degree resembled <strong>the</strong> identity that black middle class amakholwa or "mission people" were busy<br />

constructing from <strong>the</strong> second half of <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century onwards. <strong>Choral</strong> singing, as we shall<br />

see, was used to create class-consciousness <strong>and</strong> to express <strong>the</strong> identity of this emerging elite. The<br />

central <strong>the</strong>oretical concern of this <strong>the</strong>sis is to show how amakwqya shaped <strong>the</strong>ir identity through<br />

choral singing. Two major elements in amakwqya practice - competition <strong>and</strong> repertoire - are used to<br />

illustrate this process.<br />

The fact that, from <strong>the</strong> second half of <strong>the</strong> twentieth century onwards, amakwqya manifested itself<br />

particularly through competition has an important bearing on my discussion of <strong>the</strong>ir identity. I<br />

intend to argue in this <strong>the</strong>sis that, for <strong>the</strong> amakwqya community, choral competitions have served as<br />

an important vehicle to build, communicate <strong>and</strong> preserve middle class identity. In <strong>the</strong> context of a<br />

political system that denied to <strong>the</strong> black social groups dignity, freedom for development, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

possibility of participating in a common society with <strong>the</strong> dominant (i.e. white) culture, choral singing<br />

for <strong>the</strong> black middle class became a way of communicating <strong>the</strong>ir progressivism. It became clear<br />

during my three-year long fieldwork that choral music has continued to play a part in maintaining<br />

<strong>the</strong> self-esteem of educated middle class <strong>African</strong>s. Present day amakwqya competitions, as we will<br />

see in <strong>the</strong> course of my discussion, have been subject to a certain amount of controversy. To evaluate<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir role in <strong>the</strong> tradition will be an important concern of mine when I come to deal with contemporary<br />

performance practice.<br />

Many aspects of current performance practice reveal a certain ambiguity because of <strong>the</strong> process<br />

of negotiation between Western <strong>and</strong> <strong>African</strong> elements (vocal aes<strong>the</strong>tics, dress, body movement <strong>and</strong><br />

dance etc.) in which amakwqya are still engaged. The degree to which <strong>the</strong>y mediate <strong>the</strong>se two influences<br />

ranges from "simple borrowing" to a "wholesale exchange".8 The process of negotiation is<br />

most obvious in <strong>the</strong> choice of repertoire. Firstly, <strong>the</strong> repertoire consists of traditional folk songs (or<br />

ra<strong>the</strong>r modernised versions of <strong>the</strong>m), Western classical compositions, <strong>and</strong>, finally, formally composed<br />

<strong>African</strong> choral works by mainly mission-trained composers. Secondly, particularly <strong>the</strong> formal<br />

<strong>African</strong> compositions reveal an eclectic nature, incorporating <strong>African</strong> <strong>and</strong> Western influences in<br />

8 See D. Rycroft, "Evidence of Stylistic Continuity in 'Zulu Town' <strong>Music</strong>", in Ess'!Ysfor a Humanist: Offering to Klaus<br />

Wachsmann (New York: The Town House Press. Spring Valley, 1971): 133.<br />

XIII

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