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THE DEVELOPMENT OF EXECUTIVE FUNCTION IN EARLY ...

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REDESCRIPTION AND <strong>THE</strong> RELATION BETWEEN <strong>EXECUTIVE</strong> <strong>FUNCTION</strong> AND<br />

CONCEPTUAL FLEXIBILITY<br />

Perner, Stummer, Sprung, and Doherty (2002) recently developed a new account of the development of<br />

executive function—one with precursors in work by Flavell (1988) and Inhelder and Piaget (1964), among<br />

others. Although similar in many respects to Perner's earlier accounts (e.g., Perner et al., 1999), this new<br />

account suggests that 3- to 4year-olds exhibit representational inflexibility because they lack a concept of<br />

perspectives and, hence, cannot understand that a single stimulus can be redescribed in a different, incompatible<br />

way from two different perspectives. This account can be applied to the DCCS in a straightforward fashion. For<br />

example, in the preswitch phase of the DCCS, when sorting by color, children may describe a red rabbit as a red<br />

one. Then, in the postswitch phase, they may need to describe that same stimulus as a rabbit. If 3- to 4-year-olds<br />

fail to understand that it is possible to provide multiple descriptions of a single stimulus, then they will persist in<br />

describing the test cards in terms of the preswitch dimension, as suggested by Zelazo and Frye (1997) and Frye<br />

(1999). Another version of this account suggests that even 3-year-olds can, in principle, understand alternative<br />

descriptions in the DCCS, but that they become much more likely to do so at around 4 years of age (Perner &<br />

Lang, 2002). In either case, the changes occur at about 4 years of age because this is when children acquire the<br />

concept of perspectives, which allows them readily to appreciate that a single stimulus can be described in two<br />

different ways.<br />

Perner's redescription account can be distinguished from another account emphasizing redescription.<br />

According to Karmiloff-Smith's (1992) Representational Redescription model, knowledge is originally<br />

represented in an implicit, procedural format (called "level I"). Knowledge in this format is modular and<br />

inflexible: the procedures are data-driven and they must be "run off" in their entirety. With sufficient practice,<br />

behavioral mastery of these procedures is achieved and the knowledge is automatically redescribed into a more<br />

abstract, explicit format (called "E 1") that reveals the structure of the procedures. Although this newly<br />

redescribed knowledge is explicit, it is not conscious. At this level of redescription, separate aspects (or<br />

components) of the knowledge can interact with aspects of other explicitly represented knowledge, but they<br />

cannot be consciously manipulated. Consciousness comes with yet additional levels of redescription or<br />

"explicitation," that occur "spontaneously as part of an internal drive toward the creation of intra-domain and<br />

inter-domain relationships" (1992, p. 18). Level E2 is conscious but cannot be verbalized, whereas Level E3 is<br />

conscious and verbalizable. The Representational Redescription model would account for 3- to 4-year-olds'<br />

inflexibility on the DCCS by proposing that their knowledge of the rules is less than fully explicit (due to lack<br />

of experience, not age). For example, children's knowledge might be represented at Levels E 1 or E2 but not<br />

E3.<br />

REVIEW <strong>OF</strong> EXTANT RESEARCH ON <strong>THE</strong> DIMENSIONAL CHANGE CARD SORT<br />

The four approaches just described complexity theories, memory accounts, accounts emphasizing inhibitory<br />

control, and accounts emphasizing redescription—emphasize different aspects of the development of<br />

executive function and postulate different underlying mechanisms. Although all of these approaches can be<br />

applied in a straightforward fashion to the basic finding that 3- to 4-year-olds often perseverate on the DCCS,<br />

they make different predictions about the effects of experimental manipulations of features of the DCCS. The<br />

research reported in this Monograph will be discussed in terms of these accounts, but before describing this<br />

research we will first review the existing literature, starting with some background information regarding the<br />

rule-use paradigm.<br />

The DCCS is an example of the rule-use paradigm, which was developed during the 1920s by Vygotsky,<br />

Luria, and Leontiev in their work on the verbal regulation of behavior. Rules are statements (usually if-then<br />

statements) that specify relations between antecedent conditions and actions to be executed or inferences to be<br />

made. In any rule-use task, participants are presented explicitly with rules and required to use them to guide<br />

their behavior. For example, in one series of studies (Luria, 1961), children were told to squeeze a bulb when a<br />

red light flashed, but to refrain from squeezing when a green light flashed. To succeed on this task, it is<br />

necessary to keep the rules in mind (i.e., in working memory) and to follow them. The instructions may be

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