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THE DEVELOPMENT OF EXECUTIVE FUNCTION IN EARLY ...

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does not appear to be the case for 3- to 4-year-olds in the DCCS. Certainly, further investigation is warranted<br />

regarding the question of whether negative priming is a unitary process or whether different mechanisms<br />

underlie negative priming in different tasks and at different ages.<br />

Negative priming has rarely been investigated from a developmental perspective. However, Tipper and<br />

colleagues (1989) have shown that, compared to adults, evidence of negative priming is weak in 7-year-olds in<br />

a Stroop task. How can negative priming play such an important role in the DCCS if it is difficult to observe<br />

even in middle childhood? One possible answer to this question is that the influence of negative priming is<br />

dependent on task complexity; it may be observed first in less complex tasks and later in more complex tasks<br />

(see Tipper & McLaren, 1990; Stuss et al., 1999, for related arguments). Another possibility is that children<br />

failed to exhibit negative priming in previous studies simply because they failed to attend selectively during the<br />

prime phase. Clearly, however, these questions need to be addressed empirically.<br />

Future research might also explore more fully the variables that are related to negative priming on the DCCS<br />

(e.g., see Fox, 1995; May et al., 1995, for reviews). For example, the spatial separation of target and distractor<br />

has been found to be related to the magnitude of negative priming in adults. In order to examine the effect of<br />

spatial separation on negative priming in the DCCS, the Negative Priming version could be administered with<br />

spatially separated stimulus values (analogous to Experiment 6). Similarly, research on negative priming in<br />

adults shows that when more distractors have to be ignored, any single one of them is less strongly inhibited<br />

(Fox, 1995). In the DCCS, the effect of number of distractors could be tested by adding dimensions to the<br />

stimuli. Further, the adult literature on negative priming suggests that negative priming can be long lasting and<br />

persist despite intervening trials (Allport & Wylie, 2000; Fox, 1995). It is unknown whether and under what<br />

circumstances negative priming is persistent in 3- to 4-year-olds in the DCCS. The time course of negative<br />

priming during the preswitch phase is also unknown. We assume that negative priming builds up gradually in<br />

the course of the preswitch. However, it is possible that negative priming reaches maximum strength even after<br />

a single preswitch trial. In order to examine this question, the number of preswitch trials could be manipulated<br />

in the Negative Priming version, as was done in the standard version by Zelazo et al. (1996), who found that 3-<br />

year-old children perseverated after one preswitch trial.<br />

Future studies could also examine the role of negative priming in other measures of executive function, such as<br />

the Wisconsin Card Sorting Test (Chelune & Baer, 1986), the Flexible Item Selection Task ( Jacques & Zelazo,<br />

2001), and the Day-Night-Stroop task (Diamond et al., 2002; Gerstadt et al., 1994). For example, in the Day-<br />

Night Stroop task, children are instructed to say the word "day" when shown a picture of the moon and stars,<br />

and "night" when shown a picture of the sun. Three- to 4-year-old children's difficulties in the Day-Night Stroop<br />

task are commonly attributed to their lack of inhibitory control (Diamond et al., 2002). Specifically, it is argued<br />

that these children have a difficult time inhibiting a word (e.g., "night" when shown the picture of the moon)<br />

that is semantically related to the word they are supposed to say (e.g., "sun"). However, it is also possible that<br />

children have difficulty overcoming the negative priming that occurs when they respond correctly. Using<br />

various measures of executive function should allow researchers to track the development of negative priming<br />

across a wide range of ages. This research could also be extended to include phenomena such as retrievalinduced<br />

forgetting (Anderson & Bell, 2001; Levy & Anderson, 2002), understanding homonyms (Gernsbacher<br />

& Robertson, 1995), and task switching (e.g., Allport & Wylie, 2002).<br />

Finally, it should be noted that this account points to a reconceptualization of the concept of negative priming<br />

and its development. Negative priming is often conceptualized as evidence of an inhibition mechanism that<br />

allows successful selective attention (e.g., Dempster, 1995; Houde & Guichart, 2001; Tipper et al., 1989).<br />

However, the approach outlined here suggests that the suppression of attention resulting in negative priming<br />

may also be a problem to be overcome in the course of development. This characterization contrast sharply with<br />

most inhibition accounts of executive function (e.g., Carlson & Moses, 2001; Kirkham et al., in press; Luria,<br />

1961; Perner et al., 1999; White, 1965). Whereas inhibition accounts suggest that children perform poorly on

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