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THE DEVELOPMENT OF EXECUTIVE FUNCTION IN EARLY ...

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Developmental research indicates that inflexibility occurs in different contexts at different ages. One of the most<br />

widely studied examples of infant perseveration is the A-not-B error. As originally described by Piaget (1954),<br />

the A-not-B error occurs when infants (typically between of 8 and 10 months of age) successfully retrieve an<br />

object at one location (location A), and are then allowed to search for it when it is conspicuously hidden at<br />

another location (location B). Remarkably, infants at this age often search at the first location despite having<br />

last seen the object at location B. The basic finding has proved to be robust (for a recent meta-analysis, see<br />

Marcovitch & Zelazo, 1999). Whereas Piaget attributed the error to an immature understanding of the object<br />

concept, a popular contemporary interpretation of the error is that infants have difficulty using a representation<br />

of an object's location to override a prepotent response (e.g., Diamond, 1991)—that is, they exhibit a failure of<br />

executive function, or more precisely, a failure of response control.<br />

Studies with older infants and with preschoolers indicate that the development of representational flexibility and<br />

response control follows a protracted course. For example, DeLoache (e.g., 1987) observed changes between<br />

2.5 and 3 years of age in children's ability to use a three-dimensional model of a room to guide search for an<br />

object hidden in the room itself. In particular, DeLoache (1999; Sharon & DeLoache, 2003; see also O'Sullivan,<br />

Mitchell, & Daehler, 2001) observed that 2.5-year-olds often committed perseverative errors, searching for the<br />

object at the location where it had been found on a previous trial. Three-year-olds, in contrast, searched<br />

successfully. DeLoache (1995) suggested that the age-related changes observed in this task reflect an increase in<br />

representational flexibility: 2.5-year-olds persist in thinking of the model as a three-dimensional object (e.g., a<br />

toy room) rather than thinking of it in terms of the thing it represents (viz., the room).<br />

There is also a large body of research indicating that 3- to 4-year-olds have difficulty switching between<br />

incompatible perspectives on a single object—they perseverate in representing objects in a particular way even<br />

when it is no longer appropriate to do so. In tasks assessing understanding of appearance and reality, for<br />

example, children are shown a misleading object such as a sponge painted to look like a rock and asked about<br />

its appearance ("What does it look like?") and its true nature or function ("What is it really?"). Three-year-olds<br />

are much more likely than 5-yearolds to give the same answer to both questions (Flavell , Green, & Flavell ,<br />

1986).<br />

Further evidence of representational inflexibility in 3- to 4-year-olds has been obtained in research on numerous<br />

topics, including understanding false beliefs (see Wellman, Cross, & Watson, 2001, for a meta-analysis),<br />

reasoning about physical causality (e.g., das Gupta & Bryant, 1989; Frye, Zelazo, Brooks, & Samuels, 1996),<br />

moral reasoning (e.g., Zelazo, Helwig, & Lau, 1996), reasoning about delayed representations (e.g., Povinelli,<br />

Landau, & Perilloux, 1996; Zelazo, Sommerville, & Nichols, 1999), predicting outcomes based on past<br />

experience (Kessen & Kessen, 1961), inferring word meanings (Deck, 2000), and generating multiple labels for<br />

a single object (e.g., Doherty & Perner, 1998; Markman, 1989; but see Deal( & Maratsos, 1998), among other<br />

topics. In each case, younger preschoolers seem to have difficulty switching between conflicting<br />

representations; they tend to perseverate on a salient representation, and there are age-related increases in<br />

flexibility between about 3 and 5 years of age. How best to interpret these increases in flexibility is currently a<br />

matter of debate, but there is a growing consensus that these increases may be usefully studied under the rubric<br />

of executive function (e.g., Carlson & Moses, 2001; Deak, 2000; Frye, 1999; Halford, Wilson, & Phillips, 1998;<br />

Kirkham, Cruess, & Diamond, in press; Munakata & Yerys, 2001; Perner, Stummer, & Lang, 1999; Zelazo,<br />

1999; Zelazo & Frye, 1997; Zelazo & Muller, 2002b) .<br />

The Dimensional Change Card Sort<br />

One widely used measure of executive function in early childhood is the Dimensional Change Card Sort<br />

(DCCS; see Figure 2; Frye, Zelazo, & Palfai, 1995; Zelazo, Frye, & Rapus, 1996). In this task, children are<br />

shown two target cards (e.g., a blue rabbit and a red boat) that vary along two dimensions (e.g., color and<br />

shape), and they are asked to sort a series of bivalent test cards (e.g., red rabbits and blue boats), first according<br />

to one dimension (e.g., color, for which they are told, "If it's blue it goes here; if it's red it goes there.") and then<br />

according to the other (e.g., shape, for which they are told, "If it's a rabbit it goes here; if it's a boat it goes<br />

there."). Regardless of which dimension is presented first, 3- to 4-year-olds typically perseverate by sorting

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