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Chapter 10 | The Determination Process<br />

to child specific persecution. Therefore objective<br />

indicators of risk often have to be obtained <strong>by</strong><br />

commissioning reports from academic experts,<br />

non-governmental <strong>org</strong>anizations, or journalists<br />

working in the country from which the unaccompanied<br />

or separated child has fled. These practitioners<br />

also allege that they are often obliged to adduce evidence<br />

of the child’s level of maturity and consequent<br />

ability to understand the risk of persecution, because<br />

decision makers frequently assume that children’s<br />

emotional and intellectual capabilities are similar<br />

to those of adults.<br />

Reason for Refusal letters sent to unaccompanied<br />

or separated children usually quote extensively<br />

from the Immigration and Nationality Directorate’s<br />

own CIPU reports even if expert opinion has been<br />

submitted on behalf of the unaccompanied or separated<br />

child. Recent research published <strong>by</strong> the Home<br />

Office’s Research and Statistics Unit 35 confirms that<br />

case workers in the Immigration and Nationality<br />

Directorate in general rely heavily on CIPU reports<br />

when reaching an initial decision on asylum applications.<br />

By contrast, their view of expert country<br />

reports submitted <strong>by</strong> representatives is overwhelmingly<br />

negative unless they trust the particular legal<br />

representative who has submitted the report. Government<br />

case workers report they are often unable<br />

to verify the “trustworthiness” of expert country<br />

reports or evaluate the authenticity of documents<br />

submitted (even when submitted <strong>by</strong> CIPU) and<br />

therefore do not rely on them. By failing to take into<br />

account the views of most experts the case workers<br />

are not only acting in breach of the Immigration<br />

Rules, they are also depriving unaccompanied or<br />

separated children of essential evidence which they<br />

do not have the maturity or knowledge to articulate.<br />

There is some evidence that the Country Information<br />

and Policy Unit has begun responding to<br />

criticism about its failure to include information of<br />

relevance to claims <strong>by</strong> unaccompanied or separated<br />

children in its Country Reports. As part of the current<br />

research, we studied the content (though not<br />

the accuracy) of a sample 36 of October 2004 CIPU<br />

reports 37 on common countries for unaccompanied<br />

children. We found that these reports do include<br />

information on some child specific forms of persecution<br />

including child trafficking for prostitution<br />

and domestic slavery, the forcible recruitment of<br />

child soldiers, female circumcision, and abduction<br />

and enslavement, though they do not include reference<br />

to forced marriage. The sections on child specific<br />

forms of persecution tend to be brief and limited to<br />

a few short paragraphs. Though this new content<br />

contrasts favourably with reports produced in earlier<br />

years, which contained even less of this information,<br />

they still lack sufficient detail to provide an evidential<br />

basis for child asylum claims.<br />

The lack of specificity in the CIPU reports seems<br />

to be a result of the research method used, which<br />

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119

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